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An ongoing trend in technology policy has been to advocate participation. However, the author claims that lay citizens' participation typically materializes in the form of a laboratory experiment at present. That is, lay participation as currently organized by professional participation experts under controlled conditions rarely is linked to public controversies, to the pursuit of political participation or to individual concerns. Derived from qualitative research on two citizen conferences, the author shows empirically that in practice, this laboratory participation leads to paradoxical effects: successfully carrying out the experiment results in a systematic disappointment of the hope for gains in rationality typically attached to lay participation. Finally, the author relates this result to sociological debates about new modes of knowledge production. Under such a perspective, the author sees a paradoxical development: while society at large is becoming a laboratory in which knowledge is produced, participation practice is retreating from society into the lab.

AbstractIn this article the author explores key aspects of Denmark's reception and implementation of the 1980 United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sales of Goods (CISG). Placing the treaty within its larger private law context, the author explains the complexity and confusion created by Denmark's refusal to ratify Part II of the Convention that regulates sales contract formation. The author then proceeds to investigate Denmark's obligation to have regard to the international character of the Convention and the need to promote uniformity in its application, underlying the problematical relationship between these international obligations and the Danish judicial tradition of formulating premises so brief that they shed little light on the decision's underlying rationale (ratio decidendi). Following analysis and critique of three Danish CISG court judgments which help illustrate these propositions, the author proposes corrective steps designed to further a more international (and less parochial) approach to the CISG.

If English and American constitutional thought rests on one shared foundation, it is the principle that executive power, in order to be legitimate, must be subject to law. In the thirteenth century, the English jurist Henry de Bracton declared that "the law makes the King"—rather than the King makes the law—and urged, "Let the King … bestow upon the law what the law bestows upon him, namely dominion and power, for there is no King where will rules and not law" (White 1908, 268). Bracton no doubt had in mind some of the recent provisions of the Magna Carta (1215), which provided a formal codification of this principle. The rebel barons who imposed the Magna Carta on King John were animated by a desire to limit arbitrary executive power, and, in Article 39, they secured a promise from the monarchy that "no free man shall be arrested or imprisoned, or disseised or outlawed or exiled or in any way victimised, neither will we attack him or send anyone to attack him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers or by the law of the land" (Turner 2003, 231). In the fourteenth century, Article 39 was redrafted by Parliament to apply not only to free men but also to any man "of whatever estate or condition he may be," and this process of reinterpretation continued throughout the next several centuries as Parliament expanded "the Charter's special 'liberties' for the privileged classes to general guarantees of 'liberty' for all the king's subjects" (Turner 2003, 3).

The article uncovers the historical prerequisites of scientific and political institution of the term «genocide», as well as causes that induced the world community to take active measures in legal establishment of the term in respective International Law documents. The author examines the definition of genocide, regulated by the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide from the 9th of December 1948, implemented to the Article 6 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court from the 17th of July 1998, later. The author gives the arguments against groundless contraction of injured in aforementioned International Law documents. The author considers the number of approaches to the interpretation of the term «genocide» by the notable criminal law experts as well. The article contains the definitions of genocide, formulated by the well-known criminal law specialists A.N. Trainin and I. Cherny. In conclusion the author gives his own definition of «genocide».

The scientific article contains some important conclusions on studying criminal legal and criminological characteristics of crimes encroaching public order under criminal legislation of Russia. Special value of the work is motivated by rather great results of empirical researches. The author has studied 250 criminal cases and questioned 250 students of High Schools. The author reveals the essence of public order as a legal category through its structure. The author comes to a conclusion that, accepting this or that norm of the law it it necessary for a legislator to focus special attention not only on increasing of responsibility of the nuisancer, but also on the process of his moral education. It is necessary to educate not only persons who have broken the law but also lawabiding citizens. Measures offered by the author will essentially affect this process of educating citizens confident in necessary and value of public order as a category and a legal reality.

The author analyses the influence of the negotiation process of Iran's accession to WTO on agricultural import regulations in the IRI. On the base of his assessments, the author makes an attempt to distinguish possible obstacles which the Iranian Government may face during negotiations with the WTO. He concludes that the bilateral talks will last for a rather long period during which the Iranian side will try to stipulate as much preferences for its domestic producers as it can. ; The author analyses the influence of the negotiation process of Iran's accession to WTO on agricultural import regulations in the IRI. On the base of his assessments, the author makes an attempt to distinguish possible obstacles which the Iranian Government may face during negotiations with the WTO. He concludes that the bilateral talks will last for a rather long period during which the Iranian side will try to stipulate as much preferences for its domestic producers as it can.

As the sciences of biotechnology, synthetic biology, and nanotechnology develop, questions about liability for harms caused by self-replicating inventions will arise increasingly often. Although negligence, nuisance, and other torts may be relevant in such circumstances, trespass may be the more appropriate cause of action. First, the author explores doctrinal hurdles facing plaintiffs alleging biotrespass. To overcome concerns about the metaphysicality of molecular biotrespass, the author draws analogies to "cybertrespass." To confront the problem of suing patent licensors for the actions of their licensees, the author makes reference to principles of landlord-tenant law. Well-established laws concerning wandering animals shed light on the policies underlying biotrespass. In the second part, the author examines such policies in further detail and considers the purpose of transporting property metaphors into bio/nanospace. The article concludes that biotrespass can be a viable cause of action, if crafted carefully and understood properly.

The author is the most competent, successful and recognized by the community of political scientists' historiographer of political science in Russia. The article deals with origins and main formation stages of Russian political science and some results of its development. The article contains the latest information about the quantity and content of dissertations on political problems. It's not surprising as the author is vice-president of the Higher Certifying Commission advisory committee in political science. ; The author is the most competent, successful and recognized by the community of political scientists' historiographer of political science in Russia. The article deals with origins and main formation stages of Russian political science and some results of its development. The article contains the latest information about the quantity and content of dissertations on political problems. It's not surprising as the author is vice-president of the Higher Certifying Commission advisory committee in political science.

This article uses a sociological perspective to question the validity of critiques of consumer culture. First, the author examines the debate over whether consumers possess true freedom of action, reviewing problems critics find in the notion of "agency." Second, the author proposes that anticonsumption ideology is class-based, anachronistic, and sometimes confuses consumption with materiality. Third, the author examines what it may mean to "escape" from consumerism, using an example from a marginalized African community deprived of the means of consumption. The notions of "the market" and "marketing" are reviewed as institutions and practices with ancient roots that assume varying forms in different cultural contexts rather than as sources of pathology. Finally, the author suggests that marketing and consumerism may be enlisted for the practice of citizenship and engagement in progressive political action.

AbstractAmnesties are proving as popular in the twenty-first century as they did in the twentieth. Wherever there is an attempt to end a conflict, there is often an amnesty. The author briefly surveys the characteristics of amnesties, and offers a simple taxonomy. The author next assesses the approach taken in international law to amnesties. The survey draws on the experience of the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, and the Special Court for Sierra Leone. Subsequently the author looks ahead to the Proposed Extraordinary Chamber for Cambodia and the International Criminal Court. From this survey, two particular topics for international law are addressed: the right to a fair trial, and alternatives to courts (such as Truth and Reconciliation Commissions). Assuming that international law is going to be selective in its treatment of amnesties, the author offers a tentative model for an amnesty which will meet the needs of current international law.

This 'rapid response' piece, submitted under the 'Sexuality and the Church' theme, examines claims by Christian writers that lesbian and gay parenting is bad for children. The author analyses aspects of what he terms a 'Christian homophobic discourse' in order to demonstrate the problematic claim to neutrality made by these writers. In addition, the author shows how the Christian writers' view of research rests upon a series of positivist assumptions. Claims that research evidence shows children of lesbian or gay parents demonstrate gender or sexual identity confusion are disputed, and the author argues that the Christian writers present their own moral interpretations rather than the 'facts of the matter'. The author argues that the Christian writers construct a version of homosexuality as highly diseased and dangerous, before concluding that it is both epistemologically and morally misguided to see 'sexuality' as an object or variable which influences the development of children.

"The free flow of information is the life-blood of democracy." Americans are experiencing many media corporate mergers in recent years, and one is likely to ponder whether the idea of "marketplace of ideas" still holds true. In this article, the author discusses how economically driven censorship of journalism is blinding the public by market concentration and cross-ownership of media corporations. The fears of the Founding Fathers still lurk in the background as James Madison wrote: "a popular government without popular information, or the means of acquiring it, is but a prologue to a farce or a tragedy, or perhaps both." This time, however, is the BIG MEDIA. Consequently, the author discusses current legislations that address these issues. In conclusion, the author proposes amendments to the Telecom Act to curb media mergers with tougher and broader antitrust scrutiny. In addition, the author advocates a greater FCC involvement in media merger review.

"The free flow of information is the life-blood of democracy." Americans are experiencing many media corporate mergers in recent years, and one is likely to ponder whether the idea of "marketplace of ideas" still holds true. In this article, the author discusses how economically driven censorship of journalism is blinding the public by market concentration and cross-ownership of media corporations. The fears of the Founding Fathers still lurk in the background as James Madison wrote: "a popular government without popular information, or the means of acquiring it, is but a prologue to a farce or a tragedy, or perhaps both." This time, however, is the BIG MEDIA. Consequently, the author discusses current legislations that address these issues. In conclusion, the author proposes amendments to the Telecom Act to curb media mergers with tougher and broader antitrust scrutiny. In addition, the author advocates a greater FCC involvement in media merger review.

This essay examines Sudanese Islamist debates about the position of women within an Islamic framework, oppositional groups' stances on the nature of a post-Islamist Sudan, & women's role in the nation. The author critiques oppositional groups for a lack of vision for a post-Islamist gender egalitarian Sudan & feminism for its lack of clarity about the concept of women's emancipation. The author argues that all groups in Sudan have not extended a visionary approach to women, but have been limited to expressions about "women's rights." Using the concepts of "emancipation," "gender egalitarianism," "citizenship," "alienation," "belonging," & "subject," the author deconstructs segments of crucial political documents such as Islamic decrees, the new Sudanese Constitution (1998), the "Asmara Declaration" of the National Democratic Alliance, & various statements by political parties in exile. Using excerpts from women's narratives, the author attempts to illuminate Sudanese women's self-identification, belonging, & citizenship. Adapted from the source document.