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AbstractFollowing the resignation of President Soeharto in May 1998, political and civic leaders,along withgovernmental officials,began the process of developing a new political system. The most important step was to create a new legal framework for early national elections. New political laws governing elections, political parties and the structure of legislative bodies were signed by President B.J. Habibie on 1 February 1999. The article examines the three 1999 political laws at three levels: political and legal processes, content and implementation. The article argues that those laws were a reflection of political compromise and, therefore, did not meet demands for genuine reform: promoting good governance and the rule of law.

MOST LATIN AMERICAN COUNTRIES TODAY ARE RULED BY AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES IN WHICH A DOMINANT MILITARY IS COMMITTED TO THE "DEPOLITIZATION OF POLITICS" AND IN WHICH THE MASSES EXERT LITTLE POLITICAL INFLUENCE BEYOND THE LOCAL LEVEL. THE CHALLENGE TO SUCH AUTHORITARIAN REGIMES NOW COMES LESS FROM OLD-LINE MARXIST PARTIES THAN FROM RADICAL NATIONALISTS PLEDGED TO REVOLUTIONARY CHANGES.

A substantial literature over the years has focused on the relationship between political alienation and ideology. Much of this research contends that conservatives are more alienated than liberals because philosophically they believe that the best government is that which governs least. A close reading of the literature, however, reveals little consistency in the empirical findings. Survey data from Norway, Sweden, and the United States are used to provide a more extensive and consistent test of the hypothesis. Ideology is defined as both left/right self‐identification and policy preference on economic and "new political" issues. The evidence reveals that in Scandinavia higher levels of alienation are found among conservatives, whereas in the US the left has been consistently more alienated, except on "new politics" issues. The discrepancy between the citizen's preferred ideological orientation and that which the public perceives the government to take, is used to explain the different findings for the three countries and the shifts in the relationship between ideology and alienation across time.

First published in 1958, The Foundations of Political Theory strives to answer essential questions of politics by studying its foundations. In this book, Mr. Greaves treats the state as only one among several associations whose function is to promote entirely human ends. He tries to reinterpret such ideas as self-realization' and the good life' in ways acceptable to students of contemporary philosophy, who reject the theological and metaphysical doctrines these ideas have been tied to in the past. He insists that men get their moral standards and their ideas about what makes life worth living by reflecting on their experience; that there are no ultimate and self-evident moral principles. While admitting that moral standards are subjective in the sense that we cannot explain how men come to have them except by showing how they serve their needs, he refuses to allow that rational argument about them is therefore impossible. Since men are rational, since they have purposes and ideals and not merely desires, and since they know that to realize these purposes they must live with others, there are moral standards acceptable to all men when their function is understood.

The article challenges the established view according to which the authority of the European Union is inexplicable in terms of collective self-determination. Contrary to this widely held belief, it explains the condition under which it is plausible to impute the current shape of the Union to the collective self-determination of European citizens. This condition is met if citizens approach the Union with a cosmopolitan attitude. The article then goes on to explain that while the Union may not appear optimal under this condition it looks quite disastrous when approached from the perspective of political selfdetermination. The argument makes an appeal to European citizens. They have to come to grips with their own self-understanding. Should European citizens come to realize that they are, after all, political beings because they care about sustaining a form of life at specific place of the world, they will have to re-appropriate Europe for themselves.

Over the years, California has had more than its share of political turmoil. But for pure melodrama, nothing matches the 2003 campaign to recall the state's sitting governor, Gray Davis. "Recall!" relates the latest and most dramatic chapter in the political history of the Golden State.

IT IS THE INTENT OF A GROWING BODY OF WORK TO DEVELOP MACROMODELS WITH ENDOGENOUS POLITICAL SECTORS. THE INFERENCE MADE IN THIS LITERATURE IS THAT (1) THE ECONOMY CAN BE MANIPULATED OR AFFECTED BY A POLITICAL SECTOR AND THAT (2) THERE IS AN INCENTIVE FOR THE POLITICAL SECTOR TO MANIPULATE THE ECONOMY. THIS LITERATURE HAS, HOWEVER, JUST BEGUN TO FORMALIZE THE INTERACTION OF THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC SECTORS AND EMPIRICAL WORK IS VIRTUALLY NONEXISTENT.1 THE PURPOSE OF THIS PAPER IS TO PRESENT SOME EVIDENCE ON THESE TWO INFERENCES. IN SECTION 1 THE FIRST INFERENCE IS EXAMINED. IN SECTION II LITERATURE ON WHICH THE FIRST INFERENCE IS BASED IS REVIEWED AND EVIDENCE ON THE POSSIBLE INCENTIVE TO CREATE SUCH A CYCLE IS PRESENTED. IN SECTION III CONCLUDING REMARKS ARE OFFERED.