On the background of continuous global economic instability and debt problems in the Eurozone, the significance of post-communist external debt goes without saying. The article will explore the scope and dynamics of external indebtedness in the post-communist world in a comparative and historical framework. Particular attention will be paid to a likelihood of a debt crisis in the region similar to the one in the developing world in the early 1980s. The debt crisis will be an ultimate price for reform mistakes and may have serious political economy implications by hampering or even reversing the process of the post-communist transformation.
Given the assumption that party identification is a means by which the electorate is able to reduce the cost of acquiring & evaluating pol'al information, a decisional model of voting is developed that postulates a perfect positive r between the voter's party identification & a party vote. 2 intervening variables are proposed to explain deviations: (1) the congruency of stored pol'al information & (2) the direction of partisan information flow. The congruency of stored pol'al information indicates the voter's perception of how consistent his party's programs are with his own structure of public policy preferences. The direction of the partisan information flow indicates the voter's perception of the pol'al information context. This latter variable has 2 dimensions. 1st, it is the voter's perception of the total amount of pol'al information available to him &, 2nd, it refers to the extent to which the available pol'al information reinforces his party identification. The effects upon the partisan direction of the vote created by the multivariance of these 2 intervening variables are presented as theoretically-derived probabilities. The initially postulated perfect positive r between party identification & a party vote decreases to the point where the probability of a party vote is no greater than what would be expected if the decision were random. Some inferential evidence from existing empirical res is offered to examine the validity of these derived propositions. AA.
In post-communist Slovakia, in the early stage of party system development, parties used patronage as the principal tool to boost their organizational development. From the late 1990s onwards, the importance of state subventions has increased dramatically. Parties still widely enjoy the benefits brought about by patronage; however, it has either decreased or been used more proportionally. Important distinctions are found between patronage practices within the vertical & horizontal state administration. The chief explanation rests in the need for parties to strengthen regional party organizations by allocating to their representatives positions within the vertical (regional) state administration. Tables. Adapted from the source document.
Based on articles selected from the Foreign Broadcast Information Service, the Joint Publications Research Service, and the Current Digest of the Soviet Press; 1978-85. Examines the views of Party and military leaders on defense spending, SALT II, the NATO INF decision, Afghanistan, and Poland.
By examining the demands of labor strikes in the private sector, this article claims that Chilean trade unions have experienced a politization process from the transition to democracy to our days (1990–2019). Assuming a Marxist perspective on the labor process, we propose operationalizing politization into three levels based on the nature of demands: (1) remunerative, (2) related to work conditions, and (3) related to the organization of the labor process. The study regards these three levels as a latent variable ranging from less to more control over the productive process, but, also, as a continuum ranging from more legal demands to more illegal demands according to Chilean labor regulation. The results show an increase of politized demands (i.e. more control and less legality) through the years. This case study sheds light on the consequences of a rigid and ineffective regulation and on the necessity to rethink politics in the workplace.
We focus on the reproduction of gender inequality in the labour market, analysing everyday practices of social boundary demarcation that exclude women from accessing resources at work. We argue that women's diminished position in the labour market – or gender deficit – is a result of taken‐for‐granted, day‐to‐day practices, conditioning the distribution of resources. Taking Chilean professional women as a case study, we focus on labour market practices that uphold gendered evaluation criteria, reproduce social classifications, and engender exclusion through social boundary work that limits women's access to labour market benefits and rewards.