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There is no shortage of media representations that reinforce the neoliberal order, emphasise individual freedom and self-regulation and downplay structural inequities and systemic oppression. The current paper analyses an alternative representation that works to dismantle the dominant social order. I interrogate the disruptive potential of the 'unruly woman' on Broad City by exploring two discursive themes that present robust alternatives to a neoliberal feminist agenda: transgressive representations of female sexuality and desire and the visibility and normalisation of 'unfeminine' behaviours. Multimodal critical discourse analysis reveals how these themes highlight the tension between women's will to act freely and the structural binds that keep groups oppressed beyond any freedom individuals may enjoy. As white women, Ilana and Abbi's racial privilege is central in scaffolding their gendered freedom; however, self-reflexive critiques and inclusion of diverse, non-tokenised representations show a path forward towards a collective and liberatory intersectional feminism.

On November 30, 2017, Hong Kong track athlete Vera Lui posted a photo on Facebook marked with the #MeToo hashtag and described an experience of being sexually assaulted. Three days later, Hong Kong actress Louisa Mak published a similar #MeToo post on her Facebook page. While both posts, especially Lui's, initially received many supportive comments, over time, the comments became negative and victim-blaming. Since these incidents, no other Hong Kong celebrities have risked revealing their experiences to respond to the #MeToo Movement. In this paper, I analysed the first 500 comments posted on each of the posts using qualitative content analysis and critical discourse analysis. The results reveal the practice of online judging that inhibits the disclosure of cases of sexual assault. The paper further describes the interplay between online judging and selective law enforcement by the Hong Kong Police, which has been a persistent issue in Hong Kong.

The violent political situation and economic meltdown in Zimbabwe at the turn of the 21st century that saw a mass exit of Zimbabweans to other countries served as a catalyst for this study. Female teachers were among the historic outflow to neighbouring South Africa. Thus, this paper examined the experience of Zimbabwean female immigrant teachers in South Africa. Empirically, narrative interviews, were used together to elicit data. The author who was amongst the immigrant teachers gave a narration of her story. The interviews were electronically recorded and transcribed verbatim. Data were analysed using the feminist critical discourse perspectives. The key findings speak to female immigrant teachers as resilient professionals who were able to overcome the challenges of resettling in South Africa. Zimbabwean female immigrant teachers have challenged prevailing stereotypes for instance that male dominance. Therefore, the South African government needs to enact policies that improve the plight of female immigrant teachers.

Aim. This paper critically examines these political and informational aspects of hybrid as used and defined in the West. Methodology. The paper applied critical discourse analysis to the collected research materials. In this manner, the power relations and dynamics are revealed more clearly for the reader. Results. It reveals that Western hybrid warfare consists of constraining the strengths and opportunities of other targeted powers while minimising their own weaknesses and threats within the context of the decline of the US-led Western global hegemony. Research implications. Hybrid warfare is a very commonly heard, used and abused concept in the 21st century. On the one hand, it is subjectively used as a concept of non-conventional warfare, often in the context of what the hostile and 'aggressive other' inflicts upon a 'defensive us.' It is also at times an accusation used against a foreign policy opponent or competitor as a means of constraining their operational choices.

In this article, we examine the representational practices of British newspapers in relation to forms of military injury. Using critical discourse analysis, we studied the reporting of injuries sustained by military personnel during the height of the UK's war in Afghanistan in 2009 – and a comparison period five years later – and concluded that representations of injured personnel differed substantially between articles reporting on 'combat' and 'non-combat' injuries. We argue that the different reporting frames work to construct a moral separation of injuries into 'heroic' (combat) and 'non-heroic' (non-combat) forms. The consequences of this hierarchisation of injury, we suggest, include the reification of 'combat' as an idealized form of masculine violence, the privileging of some soldiers and veterans over others as exemplars of national heroism, and elision of the day-to-day realities of military injury from public consciousness. Findings are discussed in relation to broader consequences for understanding heroism and the military.

In the UK and Scotland, considerable resources have been devoted to tackling the persistent issue of young people who are, or are at risk of becoming, not in education, employment or training (NEET), a pathologized status that incurs significant penalties for young people and the economy. Using critical discourse analysis, this paper analyses and evaluates policy rhetoric to explore how the NEET 'problem', agenda and population are constituted by the UK and Scottish governments. In doing so, numerous unifying and problematic NEET policy tropes are identified, challenging the popular notion of significant policy divergence between the punitive reputation of Westminster and the image of Scottish governance as more socially democratic. Moreover, this paper differs from traditional policy analysis by also evaluating policy from the perspective of young people, drawing on empirical data from a qualitative study of the school-to-work transitions of NEET and marginally employed young people in Scotland.

This article explores how three Black women use the culturally grounded semantic and rhetorical strategies of their discursive practices as modes of symbolic action to negotiate alternative relationships and realities in response to white supremacist patriarchy. Placing intersectional feminist perspectives in conversation with the literature on African American Women's Language (AAWL), this research applies critical discourse analysis to cases of signifying and resignification (semantic reclamation). The interactions are taken from contemporary US politics: Maxine Waters' assertion 'Reclaiming my time', Therese Okoumou's literal retooling of 'We go high' and Samirah Raheem's reclamation of 'slut'. Together they highlight three iterations of Black womanhood, intersectional feminist linguistic resistance and gendered, racialised defiance to engage with the inclusive scope of feminism. The application of interdisciplinary insights to the analysis of AAWL herein demonstrates the broader social significance and productive political power of language for intersectional women, people of colour and gender minoritised communities.

Neoliberalism along with other sites of cultural, social and political life has created deep impacts on childhood. With the rise of neoliberalisation of policies, childhood has come to be defined in terms of economic utility and wellbeing of society. In this paper, we examine the process of neoliberalisation through the changing role and meaning of childhood. We inquire the role of childhood in re-imagining of the Turkish society based on the data from the document of the strategic vision of the Turkish government. We seek to track the evolving notion of childhood and roles ascribed to it. By applying a critical discourse lens to the document of 8th Five Year Development Plan and Strategic Vision of 2023, we explain how the cultural politics of childhood work as tools of creating present and future workers. We examine the shifting place of childhood and instrumentalisation of childhood in neoliberal imagination of policy.

With the rise and spread of the Web 2.0 culture the nature of "old"/"traditional" social interaction, including shame and shaming, is changing as more and more attention is given to online vs. offline social interactions. Amongst those on-going changes lies the construction of Shaming 2.0, i.e., a public attempt to impose shame on "the Other" by using Web 2.0 technological capabilities. Thus, Shaming 2.0 can be defined as a pragmatic social negotiation regarding the boundaries of what is allowed and forbidden, what is acceptable and unacceptable while performing on-line and off-line social interactions. The illustration of Shaming 2.0 was conducted by utilizing Israeli rabbinical court decisions in the era of Web 2.0 cultural features. Via the implementation of critical discourse analysis, the rise of the 'Virtual Mirror' is portrayed side by side with "new" social interactions behind the scenes of Shame 2.0.

AbstractIn 2013, Richmond city council was presented with a petition calling for the regulation of all language signs, drawing national attention to the amount of Chinese-only signage. The signage debate has become well-known in Canada as a result of the media, which has provided a platform for debate through online reader commentary. By applying concepts from linguistic landscapes, language ideologies and nationalism in addition to analytical tools from SFL, we employ critical discourse studies to examine how representations of and responses to language signage in online news commentary contribute to the construction of in-groups and out-groups in the Canadian context. Findings show that stereotypical representations of ethnicity and culture are represented as a threat to the Canadian status quo. Also, contradictory ideologies of Canadian official bilingualism are employed to justify discrimination against Chinese language speakers. Findings suggest that language ideologies remain deeply tied to understandings of Canadian nationhood and belonging.

In this article, we examine the representational practices of British newspapers in relation to forms of military injury. Using critical discourse analysis, we studied the reporting of injuries sustained by military personnel during the height of the UK's war in Afghanistan in 2009 – and a comparison period five years later – and concluded that representations of injured personnel differed substantially between articles reporting on 'combat' and 'non-combat' injuries. We argue that the different reporting frames work to construct a moral separation of injuries into 'heroic' (combat) and 'non-heroic' (non-combat) forms. The consequences of this hierarchization of injury, we suggest, include the reification of 'combat' as an idealized form of masculine violence, the privileging of some soldiers and veterans over others as exemplars of national heroism, and elision of the day-to-day realities of military injury from public consciousness. Findings are discussed in relation to broader consequences for understanding heroism and the military.

Banyak partai politik menggunakan artis perempuan sebagai pengumpul suara dalam pemilihan umum (pemilu). Riset ini bertujuan mendeskripsikan upaya-upaya membongkar praktik stereotip artis perempuan sebagai pengumpul suara di partai politik, dilakukan dengan metode Critical Discourse Analysis Fairclough dengan melihat hubungan teks yang mikro dengan konteks masyarakat yang makro. Titik perhatian riset ini adalah melihat bagaimana pemakai bahasa membawa nilai ideologis tertentu dan dianalisis secara menyeluruh. Bahasa dilihat sebagai perspektif yang membawa konsekuensi tertentu. Bahasa secara sosial dan historis adalah bentuk tindakan, dalam hubungan dialektik dengan struktur sosial.Analisis harus dipusatkan pada bagaimana bahasa itu terbentuk dan dibentuk dari relasi sosial dan konteks sosial tertentu. Kajian ini menemukan dinamika Rubrik Pokok dan Tokoh yang termuat dalam majalah Tempo mengenai liputan selebriti politisi. Terdapat subordinasi patriarki yang dilanggengkan dalam teks yang diproduksi oleh awak media (dalam hal ini wartawan) yang telah melalui proses seleksi gatekeeping dengan melibatkan struktur redaksi media yang bersangkutan.

In Australian mining towns like Moranbah, relationships between labour, capital and the state have long been defined by struggles over housing amidst cascading cycles of boom and bust linking global commodity markets to local real estate. Most recently, the emergence of 'fly-in-fly-out' labour arrangements, partially in response to rampant real estate speculation, have challenged mine workers' rights to housing and community. Focusing on the schadenfreude that accompanied the public vilification of one failed, small-time real estate speculator as a case study who is contrasted with the figure of the Cashed-up-Bogan, this article shows how accusations of greed are mobilized to political effect. While greed's tendency to emerge discursively as an accusation might make it seem like an attractive critical discourse, its putative connections to embodiment and the visceral give it an individualizing tendency that allows it to be wielded more easily against persons than institutions, undermining broader structural critiques.

AbstractThis article investigates the construction of sex advice for queer women as it features on the world's most popular lesbian website, Autostraddle. Based in the United States, the website is a "progressively feminist" online community for lesbian, bisexual and other queer women. Using multimodal critical discourse analysis and corpus linguistics, this article explores how representations of sexual and gender identity facilitate the construction of homonormativity on the website. It argues that these representations involve a tension between exclusivity and inclusivity. On the one hand, Autostraddle wants to construct an exclusive markedly lesbian subjectivity and a subcultural model of lesbian sex, which is lacking in mainstream culture. On the other hand, it aims to be inclusive of transgender and bisexual women, and to deconstruct the idea of sexual homogeneity. Findings show that Autostraddle discursively negotiates these competing goals to construct a distinctly "queer female" normativity centred on young cisgender feminine lesbians.

Abstract
While Singapore's education system claims to implement meritocratic ideals, official statistics indicate that Malay students in Singapore have been underperforming when compared to other ethnic groups (MOE 2012). This statistical representation raises the possibility of a politically induced, systemic inequality as a point of investigation. To investigate this seeming contradiction between the rhetoric and practice of equal educational opportunity, this paper proposes a philosophical and analytical synthesis for examining the 1979 policy report that provides the fundamental basis for Singapore's streaming education system. In examining this policy development, the analysis draws upon a combination of Foucault's archaeological method and Critical Discourse Analysis as a way of understanding conditions that made possible the continuous re-construction of new but unequal representation of learners. The findings suggest that complex relations between capability identification, justice, and ethics set the conditions for the appearance and transformation of subject positions necessary to legitimise unequal structural access.