Suchergebnisse

This paper is complementary to the author's previous 'Notes on Capital and Peasantry' (Review10). In that article, the role of the state in promoting the commoditisation of peasant agriculture was alluded to, a theme which is pursued further here. This is done through a number of provisional hypotheses which 'map out' three connected areas of contradictions: contradictions in the circuits of peasant economy, in the apparatuses and practices of the state, and in the sphere of state‐peasant relations. These schematic hypotheses are presented with the intention of contributing to current debates about the nature of the agrarian question, and of the state, in contemporary Africa.

The context of the study -- Primary university qualifications to become a lawyer in the USA, the UK, and South Africa -- Post-JD qualifications and the issue of their recognition -- Bringing accreditation of law schools on board -- The role of university league tables -- Policy considerations for African law schools in the 21st century

Modern states are powerful, resilient institutions, the most durable of which have established and consolidated their rule through conquest, revolution, and war. Successful involvement in violent conflict leads to the development of militarized and police states and reinforces elite political cultures that favor the use of coercion in future disputes. If warfare has unfavorable outcomes, elites will prefer noncoercive strategies in the future. From these and other propositions are derived models of the processes by which garrison states emerge and persist in autocracies and democracies. States with high material capabilities are more likely to become garrison states than weaker states, which tend to avoid international conflict and to rely on accommodation in internal conflicts. States with low political capabilities are susceptible to revolutionary overthrow and the establishment of revolutionary garrison states. The role of diversion of domestic conflicts to the external environment also is considered. One general conclusion is that only homogeneous democracies with low power capabilities and limited alliance obligations are unlikely to develop the institutions and political culture of militarized and police states.

""Contents ""; ""Preface ""; ""Introduction: The New Big Brother ""; ""1 The State and Globalization ""; ""Democracy and the Market ""; ""The Logic of Globalizaton ""; ""The 'Impotence of the State' ""; ""The Weakness of Globalized Capitalism ""; ""Neo- liberal Hegemony vs. Democracy ""; ""'Objective Limitations' ""; ""Citizenship in Decline ""; ""Soldiers and Citizens ""; ""Towards the New State ""; ""2 Is Nationalization Dead? ""; ""'Socialized' Private Property?? ""; ""Self-management Alternative ""; ""Collective Property ""; ""The Mobilization Model

The aim of this paper is to illuminate the interdependent relation and connectivity between state and regime known as the state-regime-nexus. To conceptualize the reciprocal institutional relation between state and regime and to deepen the understanding of the state-regime-nexus, I focus on law and legal order as one mutual linkage between state and regime in both democratic and autocratic regimes. To do so, this conceptual paper addresses two points that are part of the same topic: the relation between state, regime and law and different variants of legal order in democratic and autocratic regimes. This creates a theoretical basis to gain more conceptual and analytical clarity in the complex realm of the state-regime-nexus.

This article develops a theoretical framework to consider the symbiotic relationship between civil society, social movements and the Irish state. Civil society, largely through social movements, laid the foundations for an independent Irish state in the half-century before independence. Following independence, the nature of the civil society–state relationship changed; civil society became much more dependent on the state. The article empirically traces the nature of society's relationship to the state since the 1920s, and examines the nature of the political system and its major political party, Fianna Fáil, the structure of the economy, and the dominance of particular understandings of the role of civil society and the nature of society itself.The period since the advent of social partnership in 1987 is examined; this period marks a new attempt by the state to co-opt organised civil society making it subservient to its project of the imposition on society of the requirements of global corporate profit-making. The more forceful implementation of a global free-market project by the Irish state since the 1980s, and the co-option of organised civil society into this project, has left huge space for an alternative to emerge, the potential of which was indicated by the success of the 'No' campaign in the 2008 Lisbon referendum campaign.

Drawing on surveys and interviews with visitors and rangers as well as analyses of park spaces, 'Spirituality and the State' investigates the production and reception of nature and spirituality in America's national park system.

The number of immigrant students in Western Europe is growing steadily, but their social integration and educational achievements are still lagging behind. Nevertheless, there is still very little empirical evidence on which policies can effectively promote them. Thus, this article tests 2 main types of policies: targeted support and intercultural policies, and compares their effect on university graduation of 6 immigrant groups in 13 Western European countries. This research incorporates country- and origin-based variables as well as social and individual characteristics in cross-classified multilevel analyses. Data from the European Social Survey, the Migrant Integration Policy Index, the United Nations (UN) database and the World Bank database are integrated here. Findings show that intercultural policies have more positive effect on immigrant students than targeted policies. Furthermore, there is division between these six groups not only in their actual educational achievements, but also in the extent to which they are helped by education policies.

"By bringing together diverse case studies from Europe, Africa, and Asia, much can be learnt from different contexts where Muslim-state relations vary greatly according to: new, established, marginalized, or conflict-ridden communities; communities being constructively redefined or excluded; and between states that govern Muslim minority groups consistently according to the rule of law and states that are unable to govern effectively or persist in their toleration of cynical policies and public discourses, security-centric decision making or arbitrary legal ploys. The aim is to learn more about what drives government policy on Muslim minority communities, Muslim community policies and responses in turn, and where common ground lies in building religious tolerance, greater community cohesion and enhancing Muslim community-state relations. "--