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Few world regions today are of more pressing social and political interest than the Middle East: hardly a day has passed in the last decade without events there making global news. Understanding the region has never been more important, yet the field of Middle East studies in the United States is in flux, enmeshed in ongoing controversies about the relationship between knowledge and power, the role of the federal government at universities, and ways of knowing "other" cultures and places. Assembling a wide range of scholars immersed in the transformations of their disciplines and the study of this world region, Middle East Studies for the New Millennium explores the big-picture issues affecting the field, from the geopolitics of knowledge production to structural changes in the university to broader political and public contexts. Tracing the development of the field from the early days of the American university to the "Islamophobia" of the present day, this book explores Middle East studies as a discipline and, more generally, its impact on the social sciences and academia. Topics include how different disciplines engage with Middle East scholars, how American universities teach Middle East studies and related fields, and the relationship between scholarship and U.S.-Arab relations, among others. Middle East Studies for the New Millennium presents a comprehensive, authoritative overview of how this crucial field of academic inquiry came to be and where it is going next. (Publisher's description)

Peer reviewed ; [EN] The reason for setting up a waqf is to perpetuate the pious work to which it is dedicated. Perpetuity not only entails the immutability of its founder's stipulations, but is also implicitly accompanied by the conditions of immobility, inalienability, intangibility and imprescriptibility of the objects donated. As a general rule, the affected goods become immobilized, since they cannot be alienated, this being one of the limitations which characterise the foundation. In this regard, they cannot be sold, inherited, bequeathed or donated. However, although one can conceive, in juridical terms, of an immobilised good, its material immobility is unlikely due to the changing conditions of the circumstances surrounding it. Legal sources make evident that, in the immense majority of cases, the inalienable and intangible nature of these goods to a great extent conditions the legal consultations that arise in relation to this type of property. This aspect explains the fact that, with relative frequency, cases are dealt with involving a violation of the characteristics of inalienability, intangibility and immobility inherent in these goods. In this connection, the main aim of this article consists in determining the circumstances in which Andalusi jurists authorise the modification of the legal rules that govern the institution of waqf and, consequently, the legal criteria that were employed in order to justify the alienation of goods so established. Likewise, cases will be examined in which this act is deemed to be unlawful in the absence of justifiable causes. From this point of view, legal sources can point to the way in which legal doctrine in al-Andalus adapted to the needs of society. To carry out this task, I have concentrated my attention on the chronological period encompassed by the 10th and 12th centuries. ; [ES] El objetivo de la constitución de un waqf es perpetuar la obra pía a la que está destinado. La perpetuidad no sólo conlleva la inmutabilidad de las estipulaciones del fundador, sino ...

Ciappara conducts a detailed study on Mikiel Anton Vassalli (1764-1829)- a man who foresaw an adventurous, if unfortunate, life. This article follows the footsteps taken by Vassalli from childhood until his final years during which he lived in a "casa sospetta" as was described in a document at the time. Ciappara investigates the reason as to why his house was labelled in such a manner and finds that it was either as a result of his irregular marriage, his lack of Christian faith or his possible Protestant beliefs. ; N/A

In Egypt from the end of the thirties to the post-war period, a group of young intellectuals led the collective "Art et Liberté / Al-Fann w-al-Hurryiah". From an artistic, literary and political point of view it conveyed libertarian, revolutionary and egalitarian messages that were almost unique in the Middle East.The collective was inspired by the principles of the Fédération Internationale de l'Art Révolutionnaire et Indépendant, created in 1938 by André Breton and Léon Trotski, it gathered around the French-speaking polemicist Georges Henein and the artist and theorist Ramses Younane. The group was the cultural center that led to the introduction of the surrealism in Egypt, through five art exhibitions during the Second World War, cultural magazines, also in Arabic and publishers publishing authors that at the time were little known to the general public.Through the analysis of the cultural and artistic context of the period preceding the activities of "Art and Liberty / Al-Fann w-al-Hurryiah", we retraced the circumstances of its emergence and the presence of the futuristic avant-garde and surrealists in Egypt, a territory of welcome and cultural animation which gave birth to autonomous artistic centers.The debate accompanying the nascent Egyptian art torn between calls for an ideal "Egyptianity" and a limitless admiration of everything coming from Europe is symptomatic of the recent artistic practices of the first country of Muslim tradition to have "imported" the European Beaux-Arts.It is in this context that "the surrealist group of Egypt" inscribes its manifestos and its struggles against the state monopoly of culture and art. Proclaiming the freedom of art and its rightful place in an Egypt with set and backward cultural conceptions, the manifestos, conferences, debates, editorial companies and exhibitions that the group animates are all milestones of a cultural revolution to which a part of the Egyptian youth aspires, in a period where one lives the imminent danger of the war and a great intellectual effervescence. ; Dans l'Égypte de la fin des années Trente à l'après-guerre, un groupement de jeunes intellectuels anime le collectif « Art et Liberté/ Al-Fann w-al-Hurryiah » qui, dans les domaines artistique, littéraire, politique, véhicule des messages libertaires, révolutionnaires et égalitaires qui représentent un cas quasiment unique au Moyen Orient. S'inspirant des principes de la Fédération Internationale de l'Art Révolutionnaire et Indépendant, créée en 1938 par André Breton et Léon Trotski, le groupe réuni autour du polémiste francophone Georges Henein et de l'artiste et théoricien Ramsès Younane fut le foyer culturel qui opéra pour l'introduction du surréalisme en Égypte, à travers cinq expositions d'art pendant la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale, des revues culturelles, également en arabe, des maisons d'éditions publiant des auteurs à l'époque peu connus du grand public. À travers l'analyse du contexte culturel et artistique de l'époque précédant les activités d'« Art et Liberté/ Al-Fann w-al-Hurryiah », nous avons retracé les circonstances de son éclosion et la présence des avant-gardes futuristes et surréalistes en Égypte, un territoire d'accueil et d'animation culturelle ayant donné naissance à des centres artistiques autonomes. Le débat accompagnant le naissant art égyptien tiraillé entre appels à une « égyptianité » idéale et une admiration sans bornes de tout ce venait d'Europe est symptomatique des récentes pratiques artistiques du premier pays de tradition musulmane à avoir « importé » les Beaux-Arts européens, dans lequel « le groupe surréaliste d'Egypte » inscrit ses manifestations et ses luttes contre le monopole étatique de la culture et de l'art. Proclamant la liberté de l'art et son droit de cité dans une Égypte aux conceptions culturelles figées et passéistes, les manifestes, les conférences, les débats, les entreprises éditoriales et les expositions que le groupe anime sont autant de jalons d'une révolution culturelle à laquelle une partie de la jeunesse égyptienne aspire, dans une période où l'on vit le danger imminent de la guerre et une grande effervescence intellectuelle.

Ci si propone con questo breve intervento di indicare le linee fondamentali di una ricerca in corso sulle sentenze emesse dal 1927 al 1939 dal Tribunale Speciale per la Difesa dello Stato in Tripolitania conservate presso l'Archivio Centrale dello Stato. Mentre ormai è abbastanza chiaro quali fossero le metodologie di repressione attuate dal TSDS in Italia, la sua attività in Africa, le sue finalità e i limiti della sua capacità di intervento, sono ancora da esplorare. Tuttavia, dopo una prima ricognizione del materiale archivistico, risulta chiaro che l'esame delle sentenze di questo particolare organo giurisdizionale presuppone un approfondimento della complessa realtà coloniale, caratterizzata da frammentazioni etniche, religiose e culturali che si riflettono nelle vicende ventennali della resistenza libica contro gli Italiani. Tali frammentazioni non solo hanno reso accidentato e spesso sterile l'intervento dei colonizzatori prima 'liberali' e poi 'fascisti', ma hanno determinato dopo la conquista dell'indipendenza dello stato africano nel 1951 una sostanziale assenza di dialogo fra le storiografie europea e africana. Per questo motivo la storiografia sulla Libia è certo ricca, ma sconta difficoltà di 'comunicazione' dovute alle profonde differenze culturali, a partire dalla lingua araba, che hanno reso difficile il dialogo fra storici italiani e libici negli ultimi decenni dello scorso secolo. Cercheremo qui di dare conto di ciò che è emerso da una prima ricognizione bibliografica che ha per scopo, non va dimenticato, la comprensione dell'attività giurisdizionale del TSDS in colonia. In particolare ciò che si vuole comprendere è chi fosse il nemico che i fascisti tentarono di combattere con il loro tribunale di giustizia politica, con quali strumenti lo affrontarono, quanta fosse la distanza fra il nemico reale (per quanto è possibile anche per noi comprenderlo) e il nemico costruito dalla non comprensione e dalla propaganda della Metropoli. A questo scopo l'esposizione è stata organizzata intorno a due poli: i colonizzatori e i colonizzati. ; The aim of this brief work is to indicate the fundamental features of an ongoing research on the judgements issued from 1927 to 1939 by the Special Court for the Defense of the State in Tripolitania preserved at the Central State Archive. While it is now quite clear which were the methods of repression implemented by the SCDS in Italy, its activity in Africa, its aims and the limits of its capacity to intervene, are still to be explored. However, after a quick survey of the archival material, it is clear that the examination of the judgements of this court implies a deeper insight into the complex colonial reality, characterized by ethnic fragmentation, religious and cultural events that are reflected in the twenty-year events of the Libyan resistance against the Italians. These fragmentations have not only made uneven and often sterile the intervention of the colonizers, who were first "liberal" and then "fascist", but they also determined, after the conquest of the independence of the African state in 1951, a substantial lack of dialogue between European and African historiographies. For this reason, the historiography on Libya is certainly rich, but pays the consequences of a difficult communication due to the deep cultural differences, starting from the Arabic language, which have made difficult the dialogue between Italian and Libyan historians in the last decades of the last century. We will try here to give an account of what emerged from an initial bibliographical survey that has for purpose of understanding the SCDS judicial activity in the colony. In particular, what we want to understand is who was the enemy that the fascists tried to fight with their court of political justice, what tools they faced it with, how great was the distance between the real enemy (as much as it is possible for us to understand it) and the enemy created by the lack of understanding and by the propaganda of the Metropolis. For this purpose our work is organized around two poles: the colonizers and the colonized.

The Western Sahara conflict is one of the most prolonged ones of our time. Finding a resolution to the frozen conflict, which made the news headlines close to 50 years ago, has recently gotten new hope with the ongoing United Nations led peace talks. The Special Envoy for Western Sahara, the former President of Germany, Horst Köhler, has met with all the conflict parties several times and opened the table for a potential new peace agreement in the December of 2018. Similar to other prolonged tragedies of the humankind, the Western Sahara conflict has as many different storytellers as there are people speaking about the conflict. The situation, which is often being framed as a power rivalry between Algeria and Morocco, two neighboring regional powers in North Africa, proves itself to be another story from the perspective of the so-called Polisario Front "refugee citizens", the Sahrawis. The Sahrawis, an indigenous nation of the former Spain governed area of the Western Sahara, was given a promise from the UN in 1991 about a referendum, where they would have a say in the destiny of their own land and the independence of the nation. Unfortunately, the UN was not able to keep that promise. Questions of who are the "real Sahrawis" and who has the right to vote in the referendum became bigger issues than that of the rights of the Sahrawis to decide about their independence. Understandably, the false promises from the international community caused frustration, feelings of defeat and even anger among the Sahrawis. Shared memories, history and traumas of the refugees in the Algerian desert, that are difficult, even impossible, to forget. With a history of prolonged conflict and a profound sense of displacement as an indigenous nation, fundamental questions of identity, independence and views on the future prospects of the Sahrawis seem to be all overcast with sentiments of not having their rights respected or story listened. This multilayered situation was the framework of the close to existential research puzzle: How has the Sahrawi "refugee nation" survived all these years and how do they recreate themselves via different story forms? The aim of this research was to examine different views and to develop an understanding of the conceptualization of the self-understanding of the Sahrawis – at least the part of it, which is presented to the international audience outside from the community. All in all, in order to formulate some kind of picture of the narrations of the identity understanding and the distant nation-building processes of the Sahrawis, the research material was collected using a combination of several methods. The research material in use included Sahrawi activist interviews in article forms, spoken interviews in documentaries and news and one face to face interview with the Polisario Front official representative in Finland. Narrative analysis as the methodological choice and the versatile material basis of the research made it possible to elaborate different fractions of the self-understanding of the Sahrawi "citizens", who have already declared to have their own state, the Sahrawi Arabic Democratic Republic of the Western Sahara. Different fractions of the narrations form a totality, which is in here named as the "story of the nation". The theoretical framework of the research combined elements of nationalism, state – and nation-building research. The results showed many shades and colors in the self-formed "story of the Sahrawi nation", depending on the viewpoint of the storyteller. In the basis of this research, it is safe to state that from the Sahrawi point of view the conflict is not about regional power rivalry. Moreover, it is about the rights and the self-determination of a nation wish-to-be, whose one way of existing is to get their story told and heard. This piece of work added to the contribution to peak behind the curtains of silence about the conflict and to elaborate on, what is going on in the region and why, after all these years, there is no endpoint for the conflict close in sight.

تتميز الرواية بكونها أداة تعبير قادرة على رصد التحولات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية،فهي على حد تعبير ستاندال مرآة تجوب الشوارع، تعكس هموم الناس، آمالهم و أحلامهم و نوافذها مشرعة على عوالم سحرية متعددة: الفانطستيك ،الأسطورة، التاريخ، الموروث.إن الرواية مجال تتعدد فيه الشخصيات و بالتالي تتعدد الرؤى والأصوات وحتى الإيديلوجيات، كما أن لها القدرة على اختراق المسكوت عنه في الخطاب السياسي والإيديلوجي. و يعبر الخطاب الروائي بصورة ما عن تمثلات المثقف و تجلياته ويقدّم صورة تعكس شيئا من واقعه في علاقاته بالمجتمع و السلطة و الآخر، وكثيرا ما تتناول الرواية المثقف بوصفه ذا وعي نضالي نابع من الإحساس بالظلم المسلط على الإنسان العربي من قبل الأنظمة السياسية، فتتحول الثقافة إذ ذاك إلى أداة تهدف إلى التغيير. ولم تعد الرواية الحديثة وسيلة للترفيه والتسلية والهروب من الواقع ومن رتابة اليومي، بل كفعل وعي وأداة تعرية وفضح. والروائية أحلام مستغانمي واحدة من الكتاب الذين وظفوا الخطاب الروائي لكسر الطابوهات واختراق المسكوت عنه:( السلطة- الدين- السياسة)، فصورت ملحمة سقوط الذات على عتبة السلطة. و تناولت جدلية السلطة والمثقف؛ إذ تطالعنا أزمة المثقف من خطابها. إن مثقف أحلام مستغانمي يجعل من الأام العظيم وجودا لحريته؛ إنه محمد اسياخم الذي وظفت ملامحه في ذاكرة الجسد معبرة بذلك عن ثورتها ضد السلطة التي تكمم أفواه الناس: "يقضي الإنسان سنواته الأولى في تعلم النطق وتقضي الأنظمة العربية لبقية عمره في تعليمه الصمت" ( ذاكرة الجسد ص:28)، بل الأكثر من ذلك أنها ترسم صورة كاريكاتورية للذين يريدون الانتساب للنخبة (ينظر ذاكرة الجسد ص:83). كما تقوم بفضح و تعرية اضطهاد السلطة للمثقف في مشهد يوحد بين هزائم الإنسان و هزائم الوطن و ترمز لذلك بحزيران 1967 و ما حدث لخالد 1971 :" سجنته الجزائر لطول لسانه" ( ذاكرة الجسد ص:243). و تطالعنا صورة المثقف الذي يعاني من تهميش السلطة ؛ فالنظرة إليه دونية:" الجزائر بلد لم يسأل فيه المثقفون و لا النساء عن رأيهم" ( فوضى الحواس ص:247) وتقدم أحلام مستغانمي نموذجا آخر للثقف ، أو بالأحرى لمدعي الثقافة المتنطعين مشككة فيما إذا كانت الجزائر قد استقلت و هي تحت حكمهم:"مثقفين يتعسكرون أو عسكر يدعون الثقافة" ( ذاكرة الجسد ص:234) الملخص بالانجليزية The image of the éducateur in the movelistic speech Unit: Assimilation of the educated in a literal text The movel is spécialized by being a mean of express in able to check social economic and political transformation ,as standal expresses it is a touring missos in the streets which reflexes peoples sadness , hopes and dreans, it 's windows opened on misterious and différent words: the fanta stic,legend ,heritated history. The movel is a field where pers-onalidies differ and so sounds and sights differ and even ,diologies . The movelistic speech expresses the mani festations of the educated and gives an image which reflects something from his reality ,his relation with …….ciety and other peaple . Mostof the time movel dexribes the educated as a cenxious pers an who feels autoracy on Arabian persan by political systems, here culture because a mean which we and aim to change. Modern move lis no more a mean of entertainment and exaping from reality and recent routine but it is rather a mean of campromize ,Ahlam Mustghanmi is are of the writes who uses the movelistic speech to destroid the «tabo» and secret subjects (religion ,politic,authority), she talked about authority via the educated,through her movel she represented the educated crisis ,she ment , ned Med Isscukhem In her movel «the memory of the body Dakirat el Jassed » stating her revolution agcunst ………………. Which closes people's mouthes (man passes most of histime learning to speak and arabic systemes passes her time teaching him silence ) (Dakirat El Jassad p28) M…. than that she draws caricatural picture for those who want to be are of the motables , she also wants to stripoff the oppress an of authority to the educated in a show where it gathers man and cauntry failuaw.

In the article on the example of the Draft of the Code of Ukraine on Bankruptcy Procedures (hereinafter referred to as the Draft), the conformity of domestic codification activities with the requirements and rules of norm drafting technique, in particular, with a prism of a number of means related to the form and content of the Code Draft, is analyzed. Attention is drawn to the fact that the «rule of law» principle and its constituents are not directly consolidated in the Draft. It has been found that there are a significant number of comments made by experts to the Draft on the subject of compliance with the requirement of «legality», first of all, accordance of the Draft with the current normative legal acts of Ukraine. Adherence of a number of logical requirements is determined, for example, the normative provisions are systematically and logically consistent. As a result of the codification, the total number of normative legal regulations in the area of legal regulation of bankruptcy in Ukraine will be reduced quantitatively, the source basis will qualitatively be improved due to a partial elimination of such logical shortcomings as inconsistencies, collisions, duplications. It is necessary to state the validity of the definition of terms in Art. 1 of the Draft. Often, the definition of special terms is given. The remarks can be expressed in relation to the definition of «monetary obligation». This definition is too voluminous, contains a repetition and no significant characteristic of it. The Draft does not contain norms that would establish the principles of legal regulation in the field of bankruptcy, although their availability in codes is appropriate.The structure of the Draft has been studied in detail. The Draft contains a preamble, which, in our opinion, requires a certain clarification of the law provision concerning the individual. The Draft consists of books divided into sections, which include articles. Acquaintance with Parts 3, 4, 6 of Art. 5 of the Draft shows that they are voluminous and contain a number of paragraphs without any signs and numberings. Such an approach does not contribute to the proper reference to certain normative legal prescriptions contained in these parts of the article in the process of law-enforcement. In this case, the not unified structuring in the various articles of the Draft is manifested. Non-compliance with a number of requirements for the Final and Transitional Provisions has been identified. They are presented as a whole. The total numbering of these provisions is incomprehensible - it begins with Arabic numerals, and soon continues with the use of Roman.Compliance with linguistic rules is considered on the basis of the use of the evaluation concepts in the text of the Draft. Such notions in comparison with other codes are few and they are introduced in the text in general soundly. In order to formalize valuation concepts, in individual cases, attempts are made to specify them, such as the estimated concept of «good reasons» in Part 1 of Art. 29.Some wishes are expressed for the Draft from the point of view of the theory of law, in particular, concerning the use of the terms «legislation» and «legislative acts». ; На прикладі проекту Кодексу України з процедури банкрутства (далі Проекту) проаналізовано відповідність вітчизняної кодифікаційної діяльності вимогам та правилам нормопроектної техніки, зокрема, у призмі низки засобів, що стосуються форми та змісту проекту Кодексу. Звернуто увагу на те, що у Проекті відсутнє безпосереднє закріплення принципу «верховенства права» та його складових. Встановлено дотримання низки логіч­них вимог, наприклад, нормативні положення розташовані системно та логічно послідовно. Необхідно констатувати обґрунтованість визначення термінів у ст. 1 Проекту, зауваження можна висловити стосовно визначення «грошового зобов'язання». У Проекті відсутні нор­ми, які б закріплювали принципи правового регулювання у сфері банкрутства, хоча їх наявність у кодексах є доцільною. Детально вивчено структуру Проекту та висловлено зауваження стосовно нумерації складових частин окремих статей та змісту Прикінцевих та Перехідних положень. Відповідність до мовних правил розглянуто на прикладі оперування законопроектантами у тексті Проекту оціночними поняттями. Висловлено окремі поба­жан­ня до Проекту й з позиції теорії права.

« Si la connaissance se donne comme connaissance de la vérité, c'est qu'elle produit la vérité par le jeu d'une falsification première et toujours reconduite qui pose la distinction du vrai et du faux . » Leçons sur la volonté de savoir, Gallimard-Seuil, Paris, 2011 (1re éd. : 1971)."If knowledge is given as knowledge of the truth, it is because it produces the truth by the game of a first, primary falsification renewed again and again which raises the distinction of true and false" [my translation]. Michel Foucault, Lessons on the will to know, Gallimard-Seuil, Paris, 2011 (1st ed .: 1971)I wonder how can Foucault, who refers to Nietzsche as source of inspiration, speak of falsification and deny at the same time objectivity of truth – besides the obvious pun. The challenge of Nietzsche is to contest the objectivity of truth as human desiderata, in such a context Foucault's notion of falsification (of what? falsification of an objective reality?) does either make no sense at all or encodes some other meaning beyond being false – a possible reading would be to take it that Foucault means "distortion", or better "will to deceive ".Perhaps, Foucault's observation amounts to the simple remark that some of the so-called scientific justifications of institutionalized qualifications and anathemas that have important political and socio-economic consequences such as those involving notions as health, disease, or gender do not have the scientific backing they are purported to have (now scientific backing, I guess, must be understood in a rather standard or naïve sense of distinguishing between sciences and pseudo-sciences). This might in some sense be a sensible reflection, and it must be conceded that Foucault had the merit of undertaking extensive and thorough examinations of archives, protocols and reports buried in institutions of various kinds which animated his legendary charming style of writing. Of course, this is quite far away from constituting a revolutionary assault on the notions of (scientific) truth, knowledge and meaning, but, one can say, I think, that his work motivated and still motivates some new approaches to the study of institutional archives. If the reading proposed in the preceding paragraph seems a too meagre result and we are prepared to read Foucault's remarks as involving more thorny epistemological matters, there are of course other ways to delve into them: On one hand I allow me to suggest studying the sceptics of the ancient Greek tradition, or the study of analogical dialectical reasoning within the Arabic Jurisprudence theories of the Middle-Ages (or more generally their theory of Argumentation that has been largely ignored also by the analytic approaches to Argumentation theory and Epistemic Logic), or if one dares to go so far the millenary Jain epistemological lessons on the Art of the Point of View provide plenty to learn from (this constitutes another gap in the recent studies on reasoning and knowledge). On the other one cannot escape the feeling that claims as those of Foucault, though they might be seen as involving interesting questions, many of them have been brought forward without awareness (or perhaps even because of lack of awareness) of the discussions that took place in depth and length in philosophy of logic and knowledge – moreover, as a quick look on nowadays publications bring to the fore, such kind of discussions are nowadays experiencing a creative impulse at a breath-taking pace (particularly so in the context of social sciences). True, analytic philosophers and some philosophers of logic stemming from analytic philosophy quite often ignore history of philosophy or even the history of the science they are purported to study, or more generally philosophical approaches foreign to their own framework – with the result that quite often they produced a rather superficial analysis of the links between knowledge and truth – however, this only points out, that it is time that we start learning each from the other Am I falsifying Foucault? Who knows …

This dissertation focuses on the figure of Jewish exile since the rise of Zionism. My research proposes a unique configuration of German, Turkish, Israeli, and Palestinian contexts, one that sheds new light on the challenge of representing minority subjectivity during moments of collective displacement. I argue that displacement is not only an experience, but also a structure of representation. My study begins by examining the representation of Jewish belonging at the turn of the century, when the German-Ottoman imperial alliance provided a potential framework for the immigration of European Jews to Palestine. The aesthetic possibilities that ultimately crystallize in Israeli and Palestinian literature, I assert, are inseparable from the imaginary of Jewish displacement in fin de si�cle Germany and Turkey. Germany, Turkey, and Israel each occupy a space of intense critical focus in Comparative Literature. Beginning with Edward Said, scholars have called the discipline's attention to a cohort of German-speaking Jewish academics who fled to Istanbul during the Nazi years. From this canonical moment in the emergence of Comparative Literature, Erich Auerbach's composition of Mimesis: The Representation of Reality in Western Literature, and his work on Weltliteratur (or "world literature"), have emerged as prominent models for the discipline's self-conception. The achievements of German-Jewish intellectuals in Turkey would later reinforce notions of "exilic" critique as a practice of heroic opposition to nationalist chauvinism. These assessments could be enriched, however, by situating the very possibility of Auerbach in Istanbul within the political programs and cultural imaginaries that immediately preceded, and in fact enabled, the German-Jewish scholars' remarkable refuge in Istanbul. My project begins the story of German-Jewish literature and aesthetics a generation earlier. I propose a comparative framework that juxtaposes the Zionist leader Theodor Herzl's five visits to fin de si�cle Constantinople with the German-Jewish scholars, such as Erich Auerbach, who found refuge from the Nazis in Turkey a generation later. I assert that the very production of Mimesis is a vital part of the story of the representation of European Jewish exile – perhaps inseparable from the story of Zionism in the early 20th century. Through close readings of Herzl's wide- ranging corpus of literature, I conclude that this exilic position – one who identifies with and yet (must) live beyond the settled location of the native – was an irreducible feature of Herzl's Zionism. Mimesis, as the re-presentation (making present, again, elsewhere) of European reality and subjectivity, becomes an essential analytical tool for understanding the relationship between Jewish belonging and exile. My dissertation then turns to literary works written in the aftermath of the 1948 partition of Palestine and creation of Israel. I discuss the portrayal of Palestinian exile by two of the most canonical Hebrew authors from the period, the poet Nathan Alterman and the novelist S. Yizhar. My readings explore changes in the representation of exile at the moment when its simultaneous creation and negation comes to define two national communities. The dissertation's final chapter presents an original, comparative analysis of poetry written by Dahlia Ravikovich and Mahmoud Darwish. Through recourse to what I term the visionary prophetic modes of Hebrew and Arabic literature, these authors re-open the literary significations of exile to pre-modern traditions of Jewish and Islamic exegesis, liturgy, and history. I assert that their poetics – attuned to the semiotic displacements between vision and text – unravel the political discourses of national belonging generated by the failed partition of Israel and Palestine. These alternative modalities of representation re-envision the nature of belonging in a post-colonial world. I contend that the study of Israeli and Palestinian literature cannot be extricated from broader inquiries into the representation of migration and flight across Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East.

The purpose of this research is to present a historical review and critique of the actions of radicalism on the basis of fundamentalism in Indonesia. This research is motivated by the development of discourse related to fundamentalism and radicalism which is often identified to Islam group with negative connotation in Indonesia. The methodology used in this research is a qualitative descriptive approach with a historical-critical study method. Data were collected through literature studies and related literature of several Islamic organizations consisting of; Darul Islam Or Islamic State of Indonesia (NII); Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI); Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI); and the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). The results show that fundamentalism and radicalism is a verbic word whose roots are not contained in the language of Muslims in various Arabic speaking countries. Fundamentalism by term is the assertion of certain religious activists who define religion absolutely and literally. Fundamentalism as a reaction to modernism emerged in the nineteenth century. At that time, modernism appeared very fiery in the United States. In the era of the 1990s, there was a change of format and fundamental strategy in radical Islamic movement in Indonesia. If in previous years this movement runs latently and always confronted by the State so as to generate political fear for Muslims then in the era of the 1990s radical Islamic movement appears openly, as seen in the movement Laskar Jihad, Jamaah Islamiah Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah, Ikhwanul Muslimin, Mujahidin Jamaah, Nurul Fikr, Islamic Defenders Front and Hizb ut-Tahrir Based on the results of research, author concluded that Fundamentalism and radicalism is not a term derived from Islam but the term of Christianity which is today used for Islam. Both fundamentalism and radicalism potentially exist to any group, whether religious, social, or political. It occurs in any religion. Fundamentalism can be a virtue if it is not performed by the action of radicalism. Therefore, the solution to the value of tolerance in fundamentalism is a deep understanding of belief or religion. ; Tujuan dari penilitian ini adalah untuk menampilkan tinjauan historis dan kritik terhadap aksi-aksi radikalisme dengan dasar fundamentalisme di Indonesia. Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh berkembangnya wacana terkait fundamentalisme dan radikalisme yang sering diidentikkan kepada kelompok Islam yang berkonotasi negatif di Indonesia. Metodologi yang digunakan dalam penilitian ini adalah pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif dengan metode kajian kritis-historis. Data dikumpulkan melalui studi literature dan pustaka terkait bebarapa organisasi islam yang terdiri dari; Darul Islam Atau Negara Islam Indonesia (NII); Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI); Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI); dan Front Pembela Islam (FPI). Hasil penelitian menujukkan bahwa fundamentalisme dan radikalisme merupakan kata jadian yang akar katanya tidak terdapat dalam bahasa kaum Muslim di berbagai negara yang berbahasa Arab. Fundamentalisme menurut istilah adalah penegasan aktivis agama tertentu yang mendefenisikan agama secara mutlak dan harfiah. Fundamentalisme sebagai reaksi terhadap modernisme muncul pada abad ke-XIX. Saat itu modernisme muncul sangat berapi-api di Amerika Serikat. Pada era 1990-an, ada perubahan format dan strategi yang mendasar dalam gerakan Islam radikal di Indonesia. Jika pada tahun-tahun sebelumnya gerakan ini berjalan secara laten dan selalu dihadang oleh Negara sehingga menimbulkan politik ketakutan bagi umat Islam maka pada era 1990-an gerakan Islam radikal justru muncul secara terang-terangan, seperti terlihat dalam gerakan Laskar Jihad, Jamaah Islamiah Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah, Ikhwanul Muslimin, Jamaah Mujahidin, Nurul Fikr, Front Pembela Islam dan Hizbut Tahrir Berdasarkan hasil penilitian dapat disimpulkan bahwa Fundamentalisme dan radikalisme bukanlah istilah yang berasal dari Islam tapi istilah dari agama kristen yang kemudian digunakan untuk Islam. Fundamentalisme dan radikalisme bisa terjadi pada kelompok manapun, baik berbau agama, sosial, maupun politik dan terjadi pada agama apapun. Fundamentalisme bisa baik jika tidak diiringi dengan aksi radikalisme. Oleh karena itu, pemahaman terhadap keyakinan atau paham yang dianut secara mendalam bisa dijadikan solusi agar nilai toleransi muncul pada paham fundamentalisme.

Seit dem 11.09. steht der Islam im Mittelpunkt der Weltöffentlichkeit. Diese monotheistische Religion erweckt so das Interesse vieler Menschen, insbesondere der Forscher und Wissenschaftler. Zuvor war der Begriff "Salafismus" ein eher fremder Ausdruck, der sich innerhalb kürzester Zeit im Zusammenhang mit andren Begriffen wie "Wahhabismus", "Islamismus" oder "Islamischer Staat" sehr weit verbreitet hat. Im Großen und Ganzen haben diese Begriffe eine negative Konnotation, die sich letztendlich auch insgesamt negativ auf den Islam auswirkt. Durch die nähere Betrachtung dieser Begriffe ergeben sich historische Abläufe, persönliche Sichtweisen, politische Rahmenbedingungen und geographische Ausgangspunkte, die den Salafismus heute neu definieren lassen. Wichtig sind die ideologischen Differenzen der drei Strömungen im Salafismus - puristische, politische und dschihadistische -, die das fundamentale Prinzip dieser Strömung unterschiedlich zum Ausdruck bringen. Gemeinsam sind ihnen die Prinzipien der "Hasba" und der "Loyalität und Lossagung" (arabisch: al-walaa wal-baraa). Die Salafisten definieren ihre Bewegung aber nicht als ein religiöses Phänomen, sondern als den eigentlichen authentischen Islam, zu dem alle Muslime zurückkehren sollen. Ihr Ziel ist hauptsächlich die Bewahrung der Religion vor jeglicher Veränderung. Neben dem prominentesten Vertreter des religiös-politischen Diskurses ägyptischer Herkunft, Sayyed Qutb, gelten Mustafa Shukry, Muhammad Abdel Salam Faradsch und Abdullah Azzam als Vetreter der Takfir- und Dschihad-Ideologien. Diese und weitere Ideologien ergeben sich aus den verwirrenden, irrationalen theologischen Annahmen einiger Salafisten. Die weltweite Verbreitung des Salafismus hatte einen gewissen Extremismus zur Folge, der von einigen Organisationen unterstützt wird. Ägypten gilt als Geburtsort des Neo-Salafismus, welches seit der Ermordung von Präsident Sadat (1981) ein interessantes Forschungsgebiet für viele Islamwissenschaftler wurde. Seit der ägyptischen Revolution (25.01.2011) begannen sich die Salafisten auch in der Öffentlichkeit politisch zu betätigen, sodass sie sogar an den Parlamentswahlen teilgenommen haben und einige Sitze gewinnen konnten. Die Wahl des islamistischen Präsidenten Muhammad Mursi (2012) gilt als Widerspiegelung einer gesamtgesellschaftlichen Entwicklung. Die Salafisten bilden in Ägypten traditionell eine heterogene Gruppierung ohne zentrale Organisationsstruktur und ohne klares politisches Programm. Allerdings werden einige Prediger häufig als Sprecher und Vertreter der Salafisten in Ägypten genannt. Ihre Ideologien verbreiten sich von Tag zu Tag weiter und setzen die modernsten Medien ein, um stets präsent zu bleiben. Unter den Muslimen sind die Salafisten jedoch eine Minderheit. In Ägypten steht ihnen der "al-Azhar" als ausgewogenes religiöses Medium entgegen. Die Zukunft und das Ausbreitungsvermögen der Salafisten in Ägypten kann schwer geschätzt werden. Jedoch waren die Ergebnisse der Parlamentswahlen (2015) für die ägyptischen Salafisten enttäuschend. ; Since 11th of September, Islam was at the center of the world. The monotheistic religion aroused the interest of many people, especially researchers and scholars. Previously, the term "Salafism" was a strange expression, which was within in a very short period of time very widespread and connected with other terms such as "Wahhabism", "Islamism" or "Islamic State". On the whole, these terms have a negative reputation, which ultimately also have a negative general impact on Islam. The present Salafism can be redefined by a closer consideration of these terms, their historical processes, personal assumptions, political framework conditions and geographical starting points. The ideological differences between the three currents in Salafism - purist, political, and jihadist - are important, which express the fundamental principle differently. The three currents agree on the principles of "Hasba" and "Loyalty and Loss" (Arabic: al-walaa wal-baraa). The Salafists define their movement not as a religious phenomenon, but as the authentic Islam to which all Muslims should return. Their goal is primarily the preservation of religion from any change. In addition to the most prominent representative of the religious-political discourse of the Egyptian origin Sayyed Qutb, Mustafa Shukry, Muhammad Abdel Salam Faradsch and Abdullah Azzam are the representatives of the "Takfir" and "Jihad" ideologies. These and other ideologies result from the confusing, irrational theological assumptions of some "Salafists".Egypt is the birth place of "neo-Salafism", which has been an interesting research area for many Islamic scholars since the assassination of President Sadat (1981). Since the Egyptian revolution (25th January 2011), the Salafists began to show themselves openly, so they could even take part in the parliamentary elections and win some seats. The election of the Islamic president Muhammed Mursi (2012) reflects the development of the Egyptian society as a whole. The Salafists are traditionally a heterogeneous group in Egypt without a central organizational structure and without a clear political program. However, some preachers are often referred as speakers and representatives of the "Salafism" in Egypt. Their Ideologies spread from day to day and use the most modern media to remain present among Muslims. However, the Salafism are a minority. In Egypt "al-Azhar" tries to make the balance between the Muslims. Future and spreading capacity of the Salafists in Egypt cannot be estimated. However, the results of the parliamentary elections in 2015 are deceptive for the Egyptian Salafists. ; vorgelegt von Amira Sharawi, Bakk. Phil. ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2017 ; (VLID)1962744

(uk): Стаття присвячена особливостям системи вищої освіти у Канаді. Вища освіта у Канаді оптимально відповідає вимогам сучасного динамічного розвиненого світу. Вона переслідує дві головні цілі: дати людям можливість розвинути свої здібності і забезпечити суспільство знаннями і уміннями, які повинні слугувати його інтересам. Канада, як одна з найбільш розвинених країн світу, постійно піклується про вдосконалення системи вищої освіти, яка представлена різними видами коледжів, університетів. ; (ru) Статья посвящена особенностям системы высшего образования в Канаде. Высшее образование в Канаде оптимально соответствует требованиям современного динамичного развивающегося мира. Она преследует две главные цели: дать людям возможность развить свои умения и обеспечить общество знаниями и умениями, которые должны служить его интересам. Канада, как одна из наиболее развитых стран мира, постоянно беспокоится об улучшении системы высшего образования, которая представлена разными видами колледжей, университетов. ; (en) This paper will reflect on some of the historical origins of higher education in Canada and highlight some of the contemporary challenges facing the system. It focuses on the reasons why Canada needs to develop a higher education system that is democratic, open, and accessible to all who are qualified and willing to participate, regardless of background. There are approximately 163 public and private universities in Canada though this figure is based on an inclusive definition that includes private theological institutions that offer degrees in theology. By the 1970s Canadian universities were generally characterized as public, secular institutions and governments viewed university degree granting as a public monopoly. The number of universities was tightly controlled by government. While provinces still tightly control the number of universities, several provinces have allowed for the emergence of a limited number of private universities. Most of these private universities are quite small and are associated with a religious denomination (such as the Canadian Mennonite University in Manitoba) or offer programs within an institutional environment that supports the beliefs and values of a religious faith (such as Trinity Western University in British Columbia). There are approximately 183 public colleges and institutes in Canada. As noted much earlier in this essay, there are significant differences in the mission and role of institutions that fall under this broad category. Canada's colleges and universities have a strong sense of internationalization, whether in the establishment of institutions or hiring teachers, the research subjects, students' enrollment and employment, they can consider from the international point of view . For example, the recruited 3,200 international students of the University of York are from 50 countries; the enrolled 3,000 students in Seneca College are from 75 countries. They truly believe that the idea of internationalization is to allow students have access to international culture, so they require students to learn foreign languages and cultures. Canada's international education includes the following six aspects: first, encouraging their students to learn a second language. Such as the University of York in recent years has increased the variety of European language courses, adding Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Arabic and so on. Second, integrating the foreign language and courses. The third is the implementation of the cooperation with foreign institutions. The fourth is to send students abroad for short-term internships. The fifth is to attract international students to study in Canada. The sixth is to carry out scientific research cooperation with foreign colleges and universities. As in most industrialized, developed nations, Canadian society, and participation in the public sphere, is increasingly predicated on a high skills-high wage economic strategy. Although the extent to which educational attainment can facilitate upward social mobility is constrained by stratification at the societal level, education remains the primary mechanism by which low-income and disadvantaged groups can transcend the socioeconomic position of their families. While 'education for citizenship' has long been meant something important to many educators, perhaps a reinvigorated call for 'education for economic competitiveness' will appeal to those who possess the influence to make the changes that are necessary to make higher education universally accessible to all Canadians who would like to have an opportunity to participate.

After defining language as system of symbols, words and linguistic expressions, as well as the part of the culture, we pointed out the classification, and essential changes in many languages worldwide. Many contemporary languages can be classified to the spoken languages, languages in specific sciences (political sciences, economy, medicine, etc.), artificial languages(language of symbols, such as Esperanto or any programming language - Basic, Pascal, SQL, SPSS, C, Java, etc.) as well as a meta-language (more precisely in meaning of the statement). In various languages in the world, many changes have been already happened such as: changes in the meaning of the words (democracy, profile), or disappearance of some words, because specific political phenomena, process or services have disappeared (self-management organizations and communities, social ownership, floppy disk, etc.). Also, changes in languages are formation of new words and phrases regarding new political phenomena or processes (globalization, screening, monitoring, extremism), and most of those words are derived from the English language, often without translation to a particular language (computers, internet, communication). And finally, changes regarding linguistic typology, according different criteria - geography (localizm, dialects) occupation or education level. Due to geography criteria, English language can differ from standard American English, English at the universities Oxford and Cambridge, Australian English, and cockney to the Indian English, African-American English, or jacket English. In political sciences, as well in the methodology of political sciences, the language has great importance in determination of political process or phenomena, as well as their meaning and definition. Although there are problems related to the meaning of words and linguistic expressions in social and political sciences, some authors have clear and precise wording, such as Slobodan Jovanovic, Henry Kissinger, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Joseph Nyeand others. Throughout civilization, the language has reflected the distribution of power in the world. It is still considered that English language is lingua franca, the most popular language worldwide. However, it is estimated that the majority of world population will use other languages such as Chinese, Hindi, Spanish and Arabic by 2050. According to estimates linguist, there are approximately 6,000 existing languages but many languages of small communities will rapidly disappear during the 21st century. Also, many countries have taken certain measures to protect their languages, such as establishing the Fund for endangered languages or the Foundation for Endangered Languages. However, in the process of Serbia's EU accession, Serbian language includes many naturalizations (enlargement, comitology, screening, monitoring, etc.), and that can create even bigger problems, and certainly will not contribute to a better understanding and defining the terms in political and other social sciences. Beside, in political science there are many problems relating to the determination of the definition, meaning, and the implementation of several methods in the framework of the methodology of political science - comparative, statistical, and in particular, the data analysis. In the Republic of Serbia, insufficiently efforts have made to preserve the Serbian language and alphabet. Several years ago a law on the official use of Serbian language and alphabet has been adopted, and several associations such as the National Council for Serbian language and alphabet, Serbian association 'Cyrillic' and other advocates for the preservation of Serbian language, the official and public use of the Cyrillic alphabet. Also, in the Republic of Serbia has been adopted the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages where ten languages have been alleged, such as Albanian, Bosnian, Bulgarian, Croatian, Hungarian, Romanian, Slovak and others. ; U političkim naukama, kao i u metodologiji političkih nauka, jezik ima značajnu ulogu u određivanju političkih procesa i pojava. Tokom istorije, jezik je oslikavao raspodelu moći u svetu. Da li je još uvek lingua franca engleski jezik? I da li će to sutra postati kineski, arapski ili španski jezik? Osim toga, postoje mnoge promene između jezika u svetu, kao i unutar njih.U okviru različitih jezika u svetu dešavaju se mnoge promene, i to u značenju reči, jezičkoj tipologiji, nestajanju nekih reči ili nastajanju novih reči i izraza, i dr. U radu smo nastojali da ukažemo na koji način promene u jezicima utiču na razumevanje, shvatanje pojmova, ali i na proces definisanja u političkim naukama.