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Intro -- Contents -- Figures and tables -- Contributors -- Acknowledgements -- Part I Introduction -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Party regulation and constitutionalization: A comparative overview -- 3 Comparative strategies of political party regulation -- Part II Regional experiences -- 4 Political engineering and party regulation in Southeast Asia -- 5 Regulating minority parties in Central and South-Eastern Europe -- 6 Political parties in conflict-prone societies in Latin America -- 7 Party regulation in Central and Eastern Europe and Latin America: The effect on minority representation and the propensity for conflict -- 8 Party regulation and political engineering in Papua New Guinea and the Pacific islands -- 9 Party regulations, nation-building and party systems in southern and east Africa -- Part III Thematic perspectives -- 10 Party regulation and democratization: Challenges for further research -- 11 Party regulation in conflict-prone societies: More dangers than opportunities? -- 12 International support for political party development in war-torn societies -- 13 Conclusion -- Index.

Cet article discute la notion d'obligation politique dans la tradition démocratique libérate et examine si la désobéissance civile pourrait y trouver sa justification.Cette théorie admet le droit de désobeir au gouvernement lorsque celui-ci agit à l'encontre du consensus général, dont la poursuite peut seule commander l'obéissance. L'auteur soutient que les fondements de cette théorie ne font pas que permettre la désobéissance mais qu'ils la postulent.Si, comme le soutient la théorie démocratique libérate, l'obéissance a un gouvernement juste est une partie intégrante dans la façon de satisfaire à nos obligations « naturelles » envers Dieu et nos concitoyens, alors cette obéissance n'est pas un droit mais un devoir. Pareillement et inversement, ce n'est pas le droit mais le devoir que nous avons de désobéir à un gouvernement injuste, c'est-à-dire à celui qui nous contraint à des actes qui violent nos obligations naturelles.De fait, cette distinction entre le notion de droit et celle d'obligation de désobéir a une importance théorique et pratique. Quand nous disons que Y « doit faire » telle chose, nous assumons que faire cette chose est impérieux et désirable et si Y ne la fait pas, il encourt le blâme. Mais quand nous disons que Y a le « droit de faire » une chose, nous exprimons en fait l'opinion que Y a le choix de la faire ou non et s'il ne la fait pas, nous ne l'en blâmons pas. Le droit habilite; le devoir oblige.Notre attitude à l'égard du nazisme illustre bien la portée pratique de cette distinction. En dénonçant et punissant les collaborateurs nazis, nous affirmons que les sujets doivent désobéir au gouvernement injuste et qu'ils ont des obligations qu'il faut respecter même contre l'Etat. Nous n'aurions pas pu condamner les collaborateurs nazis si nous avions considéré qu'ils ont seulement été incapables d'exercer leur droit de résistance.

AbstractIn this address, I argue that the organizational and ideational evolution of political science is closely interconnected with Canada's history and unequal social relations since Confederation. This is because organized political science in Canada was really at heart a national venture. As a consequence, in order to understand the ideas animating early political scientists we have to consider Canada's foundational status as a settler colony in the North American space, with a privileged place in the British Empire. This perspective may also help to highlight the distinct features of the colonial present which are giving rise to multiple sites of knowledge production-or multiple knowledges.

The phenomenon of political reintegration is getting ever more relevance under the conditions of the current development of social-political relations, however, theoretical approaches to this phenomenon are poorly developed. This work's purpose is to analyse the theory of the reintegration phenomenon. As a result of the analysis of various definitions, the following definition is formulated: reintegration is the return of a social group, political party, group influence, state entity or territory to the corresponding object with which they were historically associated. The article also contains a review of theoretical and empiric literature on the problems of reintegration, identifying the characteristic features of the phenomenon and the features of its manifestation in different spheres of society. Current reintegration research is often related to the project approach and is aimed at solving problems of reintegration of territories and individuals. The conducted research indicates the opportunity for studying this phenomenon within the framework of political science.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 265-278) and index. ; Money and politics -- Mugwump reform and the decline of political parties -- A history of federal campaign finance laws -- Explaining campaign finance reform and the BCRA -- Consequences of reform for party fund-raising -- Consequences of reform for party campaigning -- The aftermath of the BCRA. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Political parties in the post-communist countries are said to focus on electoral strategies and not on organization building, which is thought to explain the low membership base of these parties. However, detailed examination of Czech political parties suggests that political parties facing an environment that was hostile to organized partisanship adapted their organizational strategies to make party membership more attractive. Even though they experience a continually falling number of members, or at least their stagnation, the main reason for this lies not in parties' lack of interest in their members, but in psychological barriers among the public. Adapted from the source document.

Political parties in the post-communist countries are said to focus on electoral strategies and not on organization building, which is thought to explain the low membership base of these parties. However, detailed examination of Czech political parties suggests that political parties facing an environment that was hostile to organized partisanship adapted their organizational strategies to make party membership more attractive. Even though they experience a continually falling number of members, or at least their stagnation, the main reason for this lies not in parties' lack of interest in their members, but in psychological barriers among the public. Adapted from the source document.

The modern states of Pakistan and Israel share common concepts in regard of state and nation just as in regard of civic and religious identity discourses. In addition to this they show significant parallels within those historic processes which led to their creation in 1947 and 1948 and thus provide an adequate basis in terms of a cross-country comparison. In spite of the secular visions of their founding movements a fertile ground based on religion provided the cultural basis for nation- and land-oriented ideologies. The creation of a homeland for a religious community and the thus connected civic identity of its citizens as a religious and nationalist synthesis form a contrast to the common character of the international community of states and reflect the search for a national identity. In terms of an intellectual exchange, basic ideas of the Jewish enlightenment influenced the claim of Muhammad A. Jinnah's Pakistan Movement for a sovereign Muslim statehood. Since both states offer a broad ideological platform which includes both, secular as well as religious interpretations, the project focuses on religious parties which try to implement theo-political models of a religious state parallel to the contemporary discourses on nation-building existing in these two states. The complex nucleus of nation, religion and politics demands an in-depth analysis of the concepts of partition, border and ethnicity and how they contradict the state's ideological core. Based on research data conducted in field-research in Pakistan, India and Israel this paper emphasizes the transformation of traditional religion-state tensions and cleavages, illustrated by a cross-country comparison within an institutional and sociopolitical framework of analysis.