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The aim of this study is to analyze the disputes inside the catholic thought because of the emergence of the Christian Socialism, an organization built up for priests, nuns and protestant clergy who supported the Unidad Popular government in Chile. The highlights of controversy are referred to three topics: Church, priesthood and political links; the boundaries of the Christian-Marxist dialogue and the imminent break into the Chilean Catholic Church caused by this process. ; El objetivo del siguiente artículo es presentar algunos fragmentos de la controversia generada al interior del pensamiento político católico por la articulación de Cristianos por el Socialismo, a partir del análisis de los intercambios hechos públicos por los sacerdotes participantes en ella. Los principales tópicos de debate hacen referencia a la relación entre institución eclesiástica, sacerdocio y política; así como el problema de la adopción del marxismo como herramienta de análisis social y brújula política, específicamente en su compromiso con la lucha de clases.

Focusing on the post-accord generation in Northern Ireland, this study aimed to examine the role of intergroup contact in promoting support for peacebuilding and youth civic engagement. The sample comprised 466 youth (aged 14-15; 51% Catholic, 49% Protestant) who were born after the 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Agreement and therefore represent a 'post-accord' generation. Recruited through their schools, youth completed scales on intergroup contact (quality and quantity), support for peacebuilding, and civic engagement. Hypotheses were tested using structural equation modelling and bootstrapped mediation in MPlus. Results found that support for peacebuilding partially mediated the association between higher quality and higher quantity contact and greater civic engagement (volunteering and political participation). Findings demonstrate that youth who are living with the legacy of protracted intergroup conflict can support peacebuilding and engage in constructive behaviours such as civic engagement. By recognising the peacebuilding potential of youth, especially in a post-accord generation, the findings may inform how to promote youth civic engagement and social reconstruction after conflict.

Copyright © 2017 Leah D. Schade. Presented here with permission of Leah D. Schade and the Academy of Homiletics. ; This paper is the first report on results from a 2017 survey of 1200 mainline Protestant clergy in the United States entitled "Preaching about Controversial Issues." The 60-question online survey was designed to assess how preachers are approaching their sermons during this divisive time in our nation's history. Using both quantitative and qualitative methods, the results from this comprehensive empirical research point to current trends and emerging issues in preaching. In addition, the information from the survey may yield insights for both clergy and congregations regarding the intersection of religion, culture, and politics, as well as faith and public life in the task of prophetic preaching. This first report focuses on the number of respondents who indicated willingness to preach about controversial justice issues, reasons respondents listed for avoiding social justice issues in their sermons, and negative responses clergy have received in response to such sermons.

Focusing on the post-accord generation in Northern Ireland, this study aimed to examine the role of intergroup contact in promoting support for peacebuilding and youth civic engagement. The sample comprised 466 youth (aged 14-15; 51% Catholic, 49% Protestant) who were born after the 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Agreement and therefore represent a 'post-accord' generation. Recruited through their schools, youth completed scales on intergroup contact (quality and quantity), support for peacebuilding, and civic engagement. Hypotheses were tested using structural equation modelling and bootstrapped mediation in MPlus. Results found that support for peacebuilding partially mediated the association between higher quality and higher quantity contact and greater civic engagement (volunteering and political participation). Findings demonstrate that youth who are living with the legacy of protracted intergroup conflict can support peacebuilding and engage in constructive behaviours such as civic engagement. By recognising the peacebuilding potential of youth, especially in a post-accord generation, the findings may inform how to promote youth civic engagement and social reconstruction after conflict. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

Focusing on the post-accord generation in Northern Ireland, this study aimed to examine the role of intergroup contact in promoting support for peacebuilding and youth civic engagement. The sample comprised 466 youth (aged 14-15; 51% Catholic, 49% Protestant) who were born after the 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Agreement and therefore represent a 'post-accord' generation. Recruited through their schools, youth completed scales on intergroup contact (quality and quantity), support for peacebuilding, and civic engagement. Hypotheses were tested using structural equation modelling and bootstrapped mediation in MPlus. Results found that support for peacebuilding partially mediated the association between higher quality and higher quantity contact and greater civic engagement (volunteering and political participation). Findings demonstrate that youth who are living with the legacy of protracted intergroup conflict can support peacebuilding and engage in constructive behaviours such as civic engagement. By recognising the peacebuilding potential of youth, especially in a post-accord generation, the findings may inform how to promote youth civic engagement and social reconstruction after conflict.

Focusing on the post-accord generation in Northern Ireland, this study aimed to examine the role of intergroup contact in promoting support for peacebuilding and youth civic engagement. The sample comprised 466 youth (aged 14-15; 51% Catholic, 49% Protestant) who were born after the 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Agreement and therefore represent a 'post-accord' generation. Recruited through their schools, youth completed scales on intergroup contact (quality and quantity), support for peacebuilding, and civic engagement. Hypotheses were tested using structural equation modelling and bootstrapped mediation in MPlus. Results found that support for peacebuilding partially mediated the association between higher quality and higher quantity contact and greater civic engagement (volunteering and political participation). Findings demonstrate that youth who are living with the legacy of protracted intergroup conflict can support peacebuilding and engage in constructive behaviours such as civic engagement. By recognising the peacebuilding potential of youth, especially in a post-accord generation, the findings may inform how to promote youth civic engagement and social reconstruction after conflict.

A certain disagreement with the official church leadership was detected in the 1920-ies among both Evangelical Christians and Seventh-Day Adventists, first of all on the so-called "military question". Adventists – the followers of the Reformation movement organized an alternative governing religious center, which began operating illegally. In 1930-ies the government responded to that by launching a process of massive all-round closing of houses of worship during which most loyal Protestant communities have found themselves illegal. As for the Catacomb Protestantism, this was the time when various sectarian and protosectarian marginalized groups flourished all over its surface. ; В 1920-е гг. несогласие с официальным церковным руководством, прежде всего, по "военному вопросу", вызвало разделения среди евангельских христиан и адвентистов седьмого дня. Адвентисты – последователи реформационного движения создали альтернативный руководящий центр, действовавший нелегально. В 1930-е гг. в результате массового закрытия молитвенных домов в катакомбах оказалось большинство лояльных протестантских общин. Наконец, в катакомбном протестантизме выделились маргинальные течения сектантского и полусектантского толка.

A certain disagreement with the official church leadership was detected in the 1920-ies among both Evangelical Christians and Seventh-Day Adventists, first of all on the so-called "military question". Adventists – the followers of the Reformation movement organized an alternative governing religious center, which began operating illegally. In 1930-ies the government responded to that by launching a process of massive all-round closing of houses of worship during which most loyal Protestant communities have found themselves illegal. As for the Catacomb Protestantism, this was the time when various sectarian and protosectarian marginalized groups flourished all over its surface. ; В 1920-е гг. несогласие с официальным церковным руководством, прежде всего, по "военному вопросу", вызвало разделения среди евангельских христиан и адвентистов седьмого дня. Адвентисты – последователи реформационного движения создали альтернативный руководящий центр, действовавший нелегально. В 1930-е гг. в результате массового закрытия молитвенных домов в катакомбах оказалось большинство лояльных протестантских общин. Наконец, в катакомбном протестантизме выделились маргинальные течения сектантского и полусектантского толка.

The article deals with the first exemplars of the psalms translations into French and Ukrainian. Sociohistorical factors leading to a departure from canonical languages are analyzed. Similarities and differences in the process of psalms translation into national languages are identified. Translations of psalms are spread in those countries where the national language and literature are at the stage of search and formation. At that, both in Protestant and Catholic poetry one can easily trace the tendency for the departure from the original, the manifestation of individual author's origin due to the movements for the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation which considerably changed attitude towards individuality. The Book of Psalms, having its problematic and thematic elaboration of the expression of human feelings, distinctive lyricism, strength and intensity of emotions, bright ideas, providential vigour, precision and great simplicity in the poetic representation of religious feeling, in this case became a universal model prototext which inspired poets to its further actualization

Recent media portrayals link climate change skepticism to evolution skepticism, often as part of a larger "antiscience" tendency related to membership in conservative religious groups. Using national survey data, we examine the link between evolution skepticism and climate change skepticism, and consider religion's association with both. Our analysis shows a modest association between the two forms of skepticism along with some shared predictors, such as political conservatism, a lack of confidence in science, and lower levels of education. Evangelical Protestants also show more skepticism toward both evolution and climate change compared with the religiously unaffiliated. On the whole, however, religion has a much stronger and clearer association with evolution skepticism than with climate change skepticism. Results contribute to scholarly discussions on how different science issues may or may not interact, the role of religion in shaping perceptions of science, and how science policy makers might better channel their efforts to address environmental care and climate change in particular.

This article examines how intersecting identities influence beliefs about the legality of same-sex marriage focusing on how religious, political, and sexual identities intersect with ethnicity and gender. Support for same-sex marriage has shifted considerably in the last decade. However, changes in attitudes toward same-sex marriage have not been uniform. Religious and political identities have provided a foundation for support or opposition to marriage rights, and sectarian Protestants and fundamentalist Christians and people who identify as political conservatives or with the Republican Party have opposed marriage equality. Ethnic identities intersect with religious and political identities as well as with sexual and gender identities and family factors to structure support for marriage. Using data from the 2006–2014 General Social Surveys, I examine how commitments to conservative Christianity and the Republican Party have influenced attitudes toward same-sex marriage, and how ethnicity intersects with religious, political, and other identifications to structure support for same-sex marriage.

AbstractFor the past century, the expansion of free speech rights has been the domain of liberals. Recently, however, conservatives have become advocates for expanded free speech rights. For Evangelicals Protestants, this advocacy would have been highly controversial only a generation ago, offending the base's ordered liberty sentiments. I suggest that abortion politics is a primary contributor to the evangelical free speech advocacy shift. Using a variety of data, I detail the evangelical shift toward expanded free speech by exploring the topics of radical protest, campaign finance, and obscenity. While rank-and-file evangelicals are less supportive of free speech than the general-public, elites have routinely used abortion politics to frame the shift toward individual free speech rights. Elites have diverged from their constituents to support a higher-priority issue (abortion), and the constituents have been supportive. Abortion politics has come to dominate evangelical advocacy decisions and has cultivated an evangelical rights culture.

AbstractThe success of the treaties of Westphalia in preserving the religious peace in the Holy Roman Empire after 1648 has been a popular scholarly theme. Many historians also realize, however, that confessional tensions and confrontations persisted well into the eighteenth century. Exploring an early eighteenth-century German confessional crisis centered in the Palatinate, this article focuses on the degree to which judicial, political, and diplomatic mechanisms successfully regulated and deescalated confessional strife. In short, it looks at the "juridification" of confessional conflict in the Empire. In so doing, it addresses a number of underresearched themes, such as the reactions of the Catholic princes and the Emperor, the internal dynamics within theCorpus Evangelicorum, as well as the international dimension of European great power politics. This not only provides a multiangle analysis of a crisis that saw the emergence of a new regime in the politics of religion, but also offers greater insight into the relationship between the powerful, militarized Protestant territorial-states of northern Germany and the Habsburg emperorship, specifically with regard to the judicial authority of the latter.

AbstractIn anticipation of the upcoming five-hundreth anniversary in 2017 of the start of the Reformation, this article addresses the memory of this event in Central Europe by focusing on the tricentennial celebrations of 1817. The jubilees that took place that year were unique in that they were the first ones characterized by an ecumenical spirit. The article focuses on the Habsburg lands, where the 1817 jubilees were especially significant because of the recent dismantling of the Counter-Reformation by Emperor Joseph II and the favorable policies for Protestants pursued by his conservative successors. Using sermons and state records from archives in Vienna and Budapest, the article argues that the Austrian government used this event to display its newfound policies of religious toleration. Although the Austrian celebrations mirrored, in many respects, the ones in the German states, the infamous censorship regime of the pre-1848 Habsburg government paradoxically promoted an atmosphere of toleration that ensured the ecumenical nature of the celebrations in the Habsburg Empire.

The aim of this article is to reconstruct and interpret the vision of Silesians as Others contained in the texts of the sociologist Jan Szczepański. The article begins by pointing out Silesia's lack of homogeneity and complex relation with Poland, as well as Szczepański's predominant identification of Silesia with his native Cieszyń and his mythologizing of it as a borderland mainstay of Polishness. In this context, there is a clear parallel in Szczepański's writings between Silesians and Indians (that is, the maintenance of a separate culture by the autochthonous people in spite of efforts to discourage their otherness). At the same time, Szczepański shows the culture of Cieszyń to be different from the dominant Polish model, being based mainly on values connected with the Protestant ethos: industry, reliability, order, and rationality. The author explains how presentation of an idealized Cieszyń community emerges in Szczepański's writings as the project of 'becoming another', a path toward understanding one's own cultural roots in order to use them creatively to shape real conditions.