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Inter-municipal cooperation mechanisms have been promoted as flexible tools, reflecting the transition from government to governance in a new network economy and eliminating the need to engage in redrawing clear-cut boundaries in the context of soft spaces with fuzzy boundaries. An evaluation of inter-municipal cooperation in the development of industrial parks and tax revenue redistribution in Israel, from the first 1992 initiative to imposed redistribution in 2014/15, reveals how an initiative 'from below' has been adopted and encouraged 'from above', finally used by the central state as a tool of control, to serve its own objectives. It highlights the inherent temptation for top- down imposition, embedded in bottom-up cooperation mechanisms, calling for light-touch regulatory legislation and opting for gently imposed solutions where needed.

The author identifies the main political trends of the South Caucasian states, the United States, the EU, and NATO in the context of the crisis in Eastern Europe of spring-summer 2014 and Georgia's signing of the Association Agreement with the EU. She looks at the main trends of the multifaceted policy of the South Caucasian states stipulated by their geopolitical location, possibilities, and prospects for their cooperation with Russia.

This analysis of the social and political orientations of the Swedish humanitarian field, comprising here both NGOs active in humanitarian projects and the governmental Swedish International Cooperation Development Agency (SIDA), reveals once more the dominance of the Swedish social democratic model. This research is based on a selection of 23 humanitarian organizations from a survey of some 200 voluntary welfare organizations. A first review of the historical foundations of the nonprofit sector shows distinctive orientations followed by Swedish humanitarian NGOs. Indeed, the social democratic approach adopted by humanitarian NGOs has been created in opposition to the charity approach advocated mostly in Anglo-Saxon countries. The social democratic approach seeks to provide value-neutral and universal aid, in the sense of offering a decommodifying (i.e. non-governmental or public) alternative to the beneficiary. Though, the state is vested with the ultimate responsibility in this field. The relationship between governmental and non-governmental actors and their organizational structure, shows a synergy, a conjunction of views regarding the goals and humanitarian aid and development. In sum, this study brings to the front the welfare state's dominance and the social democratic ideology as dominant culture transcending the Swedish nonprofit organizational life. ; Die vorliegende Analyse sozialer und politischer Einstellungen im humanitären Sektor Schwedens, die die humanitären Organisationen wie auch die Swedish International Cooperation Development Agency (SIDA) einbezieht, enthüllt einmal mehr die Dominanz des sozialdemokratischen Modells Schwedens. Ausgehend von einer Auswahl von 23 humanitären Organisationen - bei einer Gesamtheit von etwa 200 nichtstaatlichen Organisationen -, zeigt ein erster Überblick hinsichtlich der historischen Entwicklung des Nonprofit Sektors auffällige Einstellungen im Bereich der humanitären NGOs. Der sozialdemokratische Ansatz selbst, der von den schwedischen Hilfsorganisationen verwendet wird, ist entwickelt worden in Abgrenzung zu dem Wohltätigkeitsansatz, der von den meisten angelsächsischen Staaten befürwortet wird. Der sozialdemokratische Ansatz zielt auf wertneutrale und universelle Hilfe im Sinne einer dekommodifizierenden (nicht-staatlichen oder öffentlichen) Alternativen für den Empfänger. Dem Staat wird somit die ultimative Verantwortung in diesem Bereich zugeschrieben. Betrachtet man die Beziehung zwischen staatlichen Akteuren und humanitären NGOs bzw. ihren organisatorischen Strukturen, zeigt sich ein Synergieeffekt in dem Sinne, dass wir ein Zusammentreffen von gemeinsamen Zielorientierungen im Feld der humanitären Hilfe und Entwicklungspolitik beobachten können. Zusammenfassend belegt diese Untersuchung die Dominanz des schwedischen Wohlfahrtsstaates und der sozialdemokratischen Ideologie, die in die Kultur der humanitären Organisationen hineinragen und diese wesentlich beeinflussen.

This book argues that investor risk in emerging markets hinges on the company a country keeps. When a country signs on to an economic agreement with states that are widely known to be stable, it looks less risky. Conversely, when a country joins a group with more unstable members, it looks more risky. Investors use the company a country keeps as a heuristic in evaluating that country's willingness to honor its sovereign debt obligations. This has important implications for the study of international cooperation as well as of sovereign risk and credibility at the domestic level

The main goal of the Nigeria Police Force is to protect life and property of its citizens but the recent trend of insecurity in Rivers State shows the inability of the Nigeria Police Force in performing these essential functions. These issues can be attributed to inadequate manpower, poor understanding of the environment they are posted to fight insecurity in Rivers State. This issue has created the need for community policing in order to reduce insecurity in Rivers State. This prompted the study to examine the prospect of community policing as a panacea to the problem of insecurity in Rivers State. Therefore, the study developed the following research questions: What is the role of community policing in reducing insecurity in various communities? What is the core principle of community policing in reducing insecurity? What are the challenges of community policing in reducing insecurity in Rivers State? The study adopted the broken windows theory by James Wilson and George Kelling as its framework of analysis. A self-designed structured questionnaire was used to collect data from respondents, while purposive and simple random sampling techniques were employed to select three (3) communities out of two hundred and thirty-four (234) and three (3) local government areas out of twenty-three (23) in Rivers State, with a total sample size of three hundred (300), while two hundred and eighty (280) questionnaires were retrieved. Mean and rank order statistical methods were used to analyse the data. The study revealed that the major role of community policing is to protect life and property, covering and curbing the nooks and cronies in the communities, rapid response to security threats to prevent the breakdown of law and order. The core values of community policing are transparency and openness in their policing function, demonstrate commitment at all times to deliver best quality services. The challenges facing community policing in Rivers State are lack of trust between the police, vigilante groups and the members of the communities, poor public image of the police. The study thus recommends that there is a need for the Nigerian Police to strengthen their cooperation with the members of the various communities in Rivers State. This cooperation will endear them to the people instead of the present mutual suspicion and distrust which alienate people from them. In other words, it will improve community relations with the police, as well as increase information sharing, intelligence, crime detection and prevention.

Abstract The cooperation between Brazil and Mozambique to set up a state-owned generic medicines factory in Mozambique has been identified as an innovative unorthodox South-South development collaboration. Its implementation – with its translations, adaptations, gaps and contradictions – makes it an interesting object for the socio-anthropology of development and public action. One approach in this field is to focus on the resistance by target groups of development projects. Previous research highlighted the criticisms of the 'factory project' implementation or the discrepancies of discourse and representations of the project between Mozambican and Brazilian officials. However, during the negotiation process, key health experts from both countries voluntarily withdrew from the project design or were critics of its conception and evolution. Focusing on what could be seen as a form of resistance, we will analyse who are the experts that distanced themselves, their reasons, and interrogate how their withdrawal led to some of the gaps and translation issues in the implementation process. The present article draws on interviews in Brazil, Mozambique and Europe with health and pharmaceutical experts, diplomats and government officials. We also analysed government reports from both countries, including archives from the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Arctic Council's activities as a forum of international cooperation in the northern polar region. The establishment of the above-mentioned regional international organization in 1996 initiated cooperation of states on topical issues in the Arctic, especially in the field of environmental protection. The Arctic Council united eight states of the northern polar region, Arctic indigenous organizations which have the status of «permanent participants» and international organizations (intergovernmental, inter-parliamentary, non-governmental) which have received the status of observer. Like any organization, it has both advantages and disadvantages. In general, during the existence of the Arctic Council, states under its auspices have been able to adopt three important regional international treaties governing relations between them, as well as a number of «soft law» acts which have political weight. Ukraine has all chances to deepen cooperation with arctic states, having received the status of observer in the Arctic CouncilKey words: the Arctic; regional international organization; «soft law»; permanent participant; «Rovaniemi рrocess»; observer. ; Проаналізовано діяльність Арктичної ради як форуму міжнародного співробітництва в Північному полярному регіоні. Створення вищезазначеної регіональної міжнародної організації 1996 року започаткувало співпрацю держав з актуальних питань в Арктиці, передусім у сфері охорони навколишнього середовища. Арктична рада об'єднала вісім держав Північного полярного регіону, організації корінних народів Арктики, які мають статус «постійних учасників», та міжнародні організації (міжурядові, міжпарламентські, неурядові), які набули статусу спостерігачів. Як і будь-яка організація, вона має переваги та недоліки. Загалом за час існування Арктичної ради держави під її егідою вдалося прийняти три важливі регіональні міжнародні договори, які регулюють відносини між ними, а також низку актів «м'якого права», що мають політичну вагу. Україна має усі шанси поглибити співробітництво з державами зазначеного регіону як спостерігач в Арктичній раді. Ключові слова: Арктика; регіональна міжнародна організація; «м'яке право»; «постійний учасник»; «процес Рованіемі»; спостерігач.

The relationship in the United States - Russia - China triangle was one of the most important factors of international relations during the Cold War and remains so in the post-bipolar period. Its relevance has increased even more after the victory of Donald Trump in the presidential elections in the United States, who as a candidate repeatedly advocated closer relations with the Russian Federation and revised cooperation with China. This article appraises bilateral relations between these three countries in 2014 by conducting quantitative analysis of both flows (trade and investment, migration and others) and events (reciprocal visits), as well as cooperation in multilateral organizations (United Nations, Shanghai Cooperation Organisation) and in the format of the club diplomacy (the Group of 20; the BRICS group of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). The authors stared out using the Global Database of Events, Language and Tone to assess existing events according to the Goldstein scale. However, this event-analysis method could not estimate relations within the triangle accurately because of language factor (news in Russian and Chinese is underrepresented). Thus U.S. - Russia - China relations were examined through a quantitative analysis of specific series in four spheres - economic, political, humanitarian and military - in 2014. Each index was evaluated with points. Summaries reveal which countries in the triangle have the most successful connections and in which spheres. The study concluded that China and the United States had the most effective cooperation in 2014: the partnership developed more intensively in the economic and humanitarian spheres. Overall, U.S. - China and China - Russia relations are comparable to each other - the Russia - U.S. partnership cannot rival them. The U.S. - China and China - Russia couples cooperate the most effectively in two spheres. According to Henry Kissinger, cooperation between the United States and its partners must be more effective than the partners' relations with each other. The United States thus remains stay the leader in international relations. The authors conclude that this the U.S. leadership formula applies, because the value of U.S. - China and U.S. - Russia bilateral relations in sum is more powerful than the partnership of China and Russia.