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PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine whether the elasticity of substitution (ES) varies between developed and developing countries.Design/methodology/approachThe author derives the growth regressions from the Solow model under the constant elasticity of substitution production function by using the first-order Taylor series expansion and estimate them for each country group classified based on time-varying behavior of income per worker using the data-driven algorithm.FindingsThe ES is not unitary and varies among country groups. Developed countries generally have a higher ES than developing countries.Originality/valueFor the first time, the author uses the first-order Taylor series expansion to linearize the steady-state value of income per worker, as the author considers this approach to be relatively more straight-forward and tractable. Furthermore, the author estimates the equations using both cross-section and panel data techniques and employs the data-driven algorithm proposed by Phillips and Sul (2007) to classify countries.

The author furthers research on the multiple streams framework (MSF) by testing hypotheses related to the conditional nature of politics, policy, and problems streams in affecting policy outputs from both policymaking and policy implementation. The author articulates a theoretical model of the policy process where policymaking and policy implementation are separate, but interdependent processes, and generates three hypotheses related to policymaking, policy implementation, and the interdependence of those processes. Then, the author tests hypotheses with state‐level implementation of federal environmental policy over a 20 year period. Using seemingly unrelated regression (SUR), the author makes joint estimations of policymaking and policy implementation as separate, correlated processes. Findings indicate how politics affects policymaking and policy implementation is conditional on existing policies and problems, and that these two processes are not independent from each other. Conclusions connect this MSF to the broader literature and how it may address current criticisms.

The author once more raises the issue that though the theory of Сharles de Montesquieu is brilliant, it yet deals with the problems of the state power organization and is dedicated to the state power separation into branches. However, Montesquieu's studies have not covered the issue of the people's power separation. The people's power is to be considered a separate branch of power, combining the state power and the selfgovernance power. Exploring the problems of the local self-government reform in modern Ukraine, the author thus defines a chronological framework of work as follows: it is a modern reform in the form of decentralization of power in Ukraine, which has led to significant changes in the legal regulation of local self-government. In this regard, the author recalls that there have been several reforms of the kind in Ukraine, so the author cites scholars who have written about local government reform in recent decades.

This is a study of the methods by which anthropologists create specialist archives and of how those archives are used, with particular attention to the relations between scholarship and politics and the latter's influence on the shape of anthropological knowledge. The issue is directly connected with the ways in which materials from fieldwork are used. The author relies on a media science approach, which emphasizes the role of users' practices in articulating and ascribing meaning to both the documents and to the institution of the archive. On the basis of an analysis of the discourse connected with the working of ethnographic archives, the author advances twelve theses concerning their status and functioning in anthropology. At the same time, the author calls attention to the phantasmatic nature of archives, and to the apparent passivity, reactionariness, oppressiveness, and conventionality of using and commodifying archival materials. In addition, the author defines ethnographic archives.

This article focuses on defining the role of education as one of the main security factors of the entire state. The author points out that education is aimed at ensuring security at all levels: individuals, society, and the state. The article analyzes the tasks assigned to education for the security of the state as a whole. As a result, the author emphasizes the role and importance of education. Much attention is paid to education as an object of security, which ensures the educational process and the education system functions as a social institution. The author concludes that education acts simultaneously as an object, resource and means of state security and creates, strengthens the foundation for the future well-being of the nation. In conclusion, the author says that education can ensure the safe development of the younger generation. Keywords: quality of education, state security, national security, education system, role and importance of education.

The article is devoted to the problem of the conjugation of guilt feeling and interpersonal dependence. The author shows the actualised need to consider the aspect of personality dependent behaviour in connection with scarce knowledge in this area on the one hand and the emergence of new types of non-chemical dependence on the other. The specifics of the links of non-adaptive forms of guilt and interpersonal dependence are revealed. The author considers the irrational forms of guilt as a predictor of destructive types of interpersonal dependence, namely destructive overdependence and dysfunctional separation. In conclusion, the author states that some forms of non-adaptive guilt are predictors of destructive overdependence and dysfunctional separation. Also,.interpersonal dependence and irrational forms of guilt areassociated with psychological well-being. The author emphasises that the study is far from completion and requires a more detailed knowledge of both interpersonal dependence and non-adaptive forms of guilt.

The author first discusses various issues concerning the punishment of imprisonment (deprivation of liberty), especially short-term sentences of imprisonment, and cites the criminal law theories on the issue. Then, the author explains the importance of alternatives to the punishment of imprisonment and their place in the Criminal Code of Montenegro. In the context of alternative criminal sanctions, the author focuses on fines, community service order and cautionary measures (suspended sentence and judicial admonition). It is stressed that alternative criminal sanctions have a significant place in the system of criminal sanctions and may be a relevant tool for replacing short-term imprisonment sentences. The author concludes that despite a wide registry of alternative criminal sanctions, imprisonment can never be completely abolished. Yet, for some criminal offenses and some offenders, the punishment of imprisonment is inadequate and, in specific circumstances, it should better be replaced with other criminal sanctions.

The author examines how immigrant networks and labor segmentation by race and gender facilitate inequality in immigrant-owned restaurants. The author conducted three months of participant observation at an immigrant-owned restaurant and supplemental interviews with 18 workers and owners at similar restaurants in Austin, Texas. Labor segmentation by gender and race resulted in varied degrees of wage inequality, surveillance, and exposure to hazardous working conditions. Also, although ethnic networks among workers offer benefits, embedded in these networks are unwritten rules of obligation, gift giving, and repayment. Shared ethnicity or identity as immigrants did not prevent immigrant owners from exploiting workers of the same ethnicity and other immigrant workers. Ultimately, the author argues that ethnic networks are embedded in the larger economy and context of racial-ethnic hierarchies. This research sheds light on everyday interactions among Asian immigrant restaurant owners and workers. The author highlights how an uncritical focus on the benefits of ethnic networks obscures constraints in social networks.

In doctoral thesis "The limits of judicial commercial contracts content control" the author analyses the grounds of judicial control of commercial contract content executed in order to ensure the balance of parties' rights and obligations, as well, the criteria limiting such control, defined in legislation, case law, soft law and other documents. The author analyses the conception of commercial contractual relations, as well, the conception of businessman and weaker party of commercial contractual relation, different approaches towards such judicial control defined in contract law theories. The research includes three instruments of commercial contractual content control used in cases of ensuring the balance of interests chosen by the author – reduction of penalties, gross disparity and unfair contract terms control. After the conclusion that some of the national Lithuanian legislation and rules defined in case law can violate the principles of legal certainty and predictability, the author provides several suggestions for the improvement.

In doctoral thesis "The limits of judicial commercial contracts content control" the author analyses the grounds of judicial control of commercial contract content executed in order to ensure the balance of parties' rights and obligations, as well, the criteria limiting such control, defined in legislation, case law, soft law and other documents. The author analyses the conception of commercial contractual relations, as well, the conception of businessman and weaker party of commercial contractual relation, different approaches towards such judicial control defined in contract law theories. The research includes three instruments of commercial contractual content control used in cases of ensuring the balance of interests chosen by the author – reduction of penalties, gross disparity and unfair contract terms control. After the conclusion that some of the national Lithuanian legislation and rules defined in case law can violate the principles of legal certainty and predictability, the author provides several suggestions for the improvement.

The author attempts to determine formation of the Tunisian elite. Based on history, the author clarifies to the situation of women in Tunisian society, the ruling eity. He insists that the position of women is a topic discussion first president Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia. The first president emphasized that the equality of women with men is his personal merit. Author are aktsentiruting attention to differences of opinion among the ruling elites. It defines the essence of the Tunisian intellectual's gender policy in the country; the priority task is to develop its own gender strategy. The author insists that the gender issue is one of the main issues in the Arab world. The main pressure lever and control in this matter is the political elite. Events 2010-2011 in Tunisia have shown that the transformation in the Arab world can not be ignored, and they should become a priority in research contemporary scholars.

This communication centers on the argument that there is an ideological tug-of-war over the Muslim female body. The author discusses how religious and secular patriarchies, as well as feminism all make claims to the bodies of Muslim women and purport to know what is best for her. With particular focus on the headscarf and using comparisons with how non-Muslim women's bodies are fought over, the author argues that there is a common thread connecting the warring sides as they each employ patriarchal and imperialist views of the Muslim woman that attempt to consume her agency. As the author examines the personal agency and veiling motives of Muslim woman, she counters the idea of Muslim women as passive recipients of mainstream religious and secular narratives imposed upon them by sharing different ways in which they self-author their own narratives in a post-9/11 USA.

This article analyzes the complex relationship between writers and the self-mythologizing of Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez. The author traces Chávez's attempts to acquire cultural capital through the support of writers such as Gabriel García Márquez and Victor Hugo while confronting other notable figures, such as Mario Vargas Llosa. The author argues that emphasis on Chávez's role in manipulating the media has obscured the fact that he also has attempted to be taken seriously as a public intellectual. Using Angel Rama's concept of the "letrado" (the learned man of letters), the author argues that Chávez's relationship with public intellectuals fits within a historical continuum of using literary writing as a basis for legitimizing political power. Finally, the author contrasts the role of García Márquez with that of two other Boom figures, Mario Vargas Llosa and Carlos Fuentes, who have been vehement in their criticism of the Venezuelan president.

Theologia : Jurnal Teologi Interdisipliner. Vol. 1, no. 1, Februari 2014, p. 1 - 15 ; This paper deals with Corruption, Collution and Nepotism which become very deteriorate habits in many developing countries in Asia, especially Indonesia. It shows various negative effects of corruption for building a community of peace and justice for all. Within this paper, the author also tries to make some remarks about the reasons why corruption is practiced by many people even though they are aware of its destructive impacts. Among the reasons mentioned in this paper, the author makes a long explanation on sociological and theological reasons. Question as to how to get rid of a society from corruption, collution and nepotism forms an important part of this paper. The author argues that these deteriorate habits can not be totally eliminated. It can only be reduced. Education, according to the author, plays a substantial role in reducing these problems

This Note addresses the question of whether to hold child combatants or their commanders accountable for war crimes, and if so, how and to what extent. The author ultimately concludes that child combatants and their commanders should be held equally accountable for their actions, but by measures that appropriately balance individual and public interests in rehabilitation, reintegration, and deterrence. The Note focuses on Omar Khadr, a former child combatant, while using other cases as a reference point for current international legal norms. The author analyzes Khadr's combatant status review, subsequent legal proceedings, detention, and sentence in light of various legal and policy considerations. The author maintains that despite the objectionable means used to obtain Khadr's conviction, it was at least proportionate to the war crimes that he allegedly committed. However, the author also suggests which measures would have been more appropriate under the circumstances and recommends measures that could be taken with respect to similar cases in the future.