Suchergebnisse

Investment is one of the most important generators for growth and development of national economies. In case of B&H there is a great need for domestic as well as international investments. Therefore, it is necessary to improve, in the first place, the legal environment including ease of company registration, unification of rules at the state level, simplification of administrative procedures etc. It could attract more domestic and international investors to invest in important projects and to improve overall economical situation in B&H. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to meet the essential requirement for successful implementation of various reforms related to macroeconomic stability, financial and technological infrastructure, openness to international trade and transparency of political and legislative environment. The Reform Agenda for Bosnia and Herzegovina was adopted in 2015 and provides, among other things, the creation of conditions and appropriate environment for increase of investments and modernization of the B&H economy, with the aim of economic growth and creation of new jobs. It also assumes strengthening the rule of law, administrative capabilities and increase efficiency in public institutions at all levels of government. In order to contribute to enforcement of this document and to present current advantages and obstacles for investments in Bosnia and Herzegovina, this paper analyzed the provisions of applicable laws relating to foreign investments and economic indicators as a consequence of such legal framework and current position of B&H. Research findings indicate that the implementation of the abovementioned structural reforms is a condition sine qua non for increase of foreign direct investments in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as for its path towards integration with the European Union.

This book provides a detailed historical and political analysis of the role and effectiveness of international administration in statebuilding. It analyses how the international administrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo have attempted to create sustainable political institutions and to what extent they have been successful in doing so.In the 1990s, large and ambitious international administrations were established to administer territories that had been left without an effective government in the wake of violent conflict. International administrations, to a greater

The last population census in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2013 is an extremely
important report, not only for obvious reasons but also because it is the
first census conducted after 22 years and the single census conducted in the
21st century so far. Although the 2013 census, like the previous one from
1991, was under the pressure of political events and interests at the time,
it still allows an analysis of the number of inhabitants in a certain
territory, as well as certain structural characteristics of the population.
The consequences of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina had a significant
impact on the results of the census due to the migration of the population
caused by the war, as well as due to war victims. The statistical system in
Bosnia and Herzegovina is complex. Each entity has its own statistical
office (Th? Institute for Statistics of Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina
and the Republic of Srpska Institute of Statistics). At the state level,
there is the Agency for Statistics of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BHAS). The
procedure of population census and data processing until the publication of
the results was followed by a series of irregularities and issues. According
to the final census results of the BHAS, Bosnia and Herzegovina had
3,531,159 inhabitants, Republic of Srpska 1,228,423 (or 1,170,342 according
to the Republic of Srpska Institute of Statistics), Federation of Bosnia and
Herzegovina 2,219,220 inhabitants, and Brcko District 83,516. Based on the
results of the 2013 census, unfavorable demographic processes are evident -
a decrease in the number of the population, the decreasing number of births,
the increase in the number of deaths, the accelerated aging process, and the
constant emigration of the young working-ageand reproductive population.
Depopulation processes have covered almost the entire territory of Bosnia
and Herzegovina, thus in addition to the need for a new population census,
the implementation of population policy is set as an imperative for
political decision-makers. In most EU countries, the 2021 census has already
been carried out, while in Bosnia and Herzegovina there is still no official
proposal for a new population census, nor the census is included in the
state budget for 2023. Although the population census is one of the most
important sources of data that is needed for the realization of various
socio-economic and development strategies, as well as scientific research,
there is still not enough attention from the authorities in Bosnia and
Herzegovina to put this issue on the agenda. Though the accurate data on the
total and individual structures of the population is a prerequisite for
European integration, it is evident that the new population census in Bosnia
and Herzegovina will still be conducted when the state authorities decide to
do so, more precisely - when opposite political views are brought together.

This article analyses the role of the main international actors involved in the implementation of police reform in post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina, notably that of the UN and the EU. Despite considerable efforts and resources deployed over 17 years, the implementation of police reform remains an 'unfinished business' that demonstrates the slow pace of implementing rule of law reforms in Bosnia's post-conflict setting, yet, in the long-term, remains vital for Bosnia's stability and post-conflict reconstruction process. Starting with a presentation of the status of the police before and after the conflict, UN reforms (1995–2002) are first discussed in order to set the stage for an analysis of the role of the EU in the implementation of police reform. Here, particular emphasis is placed on the institution-building actions of the EU police mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina deployed on the ground for almost a decade (2003-June 2012). The article concludes with an overall assessment of UN and EU efforts in post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the remaining challenges encountered by the EU on the ground, as the current leader to police reform implementation efforts. More generally, the article highlights that for police reform to succeed in the long-term, from 2012-onwards, the EU should pay particular attention to the political level, where most of the stumbling blocks for the implementation of police reform lie.

Chapter 1. Introduction -- Chapter 2. Conceptual framework -- Chapter 3. Decided return and reintegration in a post-conflict society -- Chapter 4. The emotional dimension of BiH citizenship -- Chapter 5. Losing, creating and re-creating home and belonging -- Chapter 6. Connecting the dots: Conceptual model -- Chapter 7. The road less travelled: What can be learnt?.

The starting point of this study is the war that took place in northwestern Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1990s. Serbian soldiers and police targeted their use of violent force directly against the civilian populations in northwestern Bosnia. In their quest to expel Bosniacs and Croats from this area, Serbian soldiers and police used mass executions, forced flight, systematic rape, and concentration camps. The aim of this study is analyzing the narratives of survivors of the war in northwestern Bosnia. The focus lies on analyzing interviewees' description of war-time violence and also analyzing discursive patterns that contribute in constructing the phenomenon "war violence". Analysis shows that the interpersonal interactions that caused the violence continue even after the violent situation is over. Recollections from perpetrators and those subjected to violence of the war do not exist only as verbal constructions in Bosnia of today. Stories about violent situations live their own lives after the war and continue being important to individuals and social life. The crimes committed in northwestern Bosnia are qualified as genocide according to indictments against former Serbian leaders Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić. All interviewees in this study experienced and survived the war in northwestern Bosnia. These individuals have a present, ongoing relation with these communities: Some live there permanently, and some spend their summers in northwestern Bosnia. Institutions in the administrative entity Republika Srpska (to which northwestern Bosnia now belong administratively) deny genocide, and this approach to war-time events becomes a central theme in future, post-war analysis of the phenomena "war violence", and "reconciliation". Therefore, it is very important to analyze the political elite's denial of the systematic acts of violence during the war that have been conveyed by the Hague Tribunal, the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina on War Crime, and Bosnian media. The narratives in my empirical material seem to be influenced by (or coherent with) the rhetoric mediated in these fora. When informants emphasize extermination and the systematization of violence during the war, they produce and reproduce the image of a mutual struggle on a collective level. The aim of this struggle seems to be that the described acts of violence be recognized as genocide.

Twenty-seven years after the end of the war, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is still considered a post-conflict state dealing with war memories, genocide, socio-political divisions, and political and socio-economic challenges like ethno-nationalism, unemployment, social inequalities, a complex education system, high levels of corruption, migration, and depopulation. The article aims to investigate the role of female academics in peace-building, state-building and gender equality in Bosnia and Herzegovina. For this purpose, a survey questionnaire was distributed to female academics aiming to obtain data regarding female academic's role in the post-conflict society, how they have contributed to peace-building processes and the future of the country, the main issues and challenges they face as women in academia, their engagement in gender equality and women empowerment activities, the ways they cope with the COVID-19 pandemic in their professional and private life, and their work-life balance. Descriptive statistics and a thematic analysis of the participants' responses to open-ended questions were conducted. Female academics in Bosnia and Herzegovina hold that women play a pivotal role in post-conflict societies and that they should be actively engaged in peace-building and state-building processes. Women themselves should be the leaders of positive changes and female empowerment through education and by providing support to other women.

ABSTRACTThe restitution of property to refugees and displaced persons (RDPs) who fled their homes during the 1992 to 1995 conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been highly successful on its own terms. After getting off to a slow start in the immediate post‐war years, this process saw the return of more than 200,000 claimed properties to their pre‐war residents by mid‐2004. Although property restitution has facilitated durable solutions for RDPs who have benefited from it, these durable solutions have not exclusively taken the form of voluntary and permanent return. In many cases, RDPs have chosen instead to sell, exchange, or lease their restituted homes in order to finance voluntary internal resettlement in parts of the country other than their pre‐war places of residence. In all cases, however, property restitution has been crucial to the viability and sustainability of either return or resettlement, facilitating free and informed choices by RDPs regarding their future. Property restitution in Bosnia and Herzegovina has often been held up as a model for other post‐conflict settings characterized by mass‐displacement. However, the utility of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an example must be assessed in light of favourable domestic and international factors that are unlikely to be repeated in other contexts. This paper argues that these factors should not disqualify Bosnia and Herzegovina as an example, but should instead underscore the importance that lessons learned in Bosnia and Herzegovina be incorporated early in the planning of other peace missions and implemented consistently. One of the foremost of these lessons was the efficacy of shifting the focus from the highly politicized concept of return to a more impartial "rule of law" approach, connoting an emphasis on individuals' rights to their former homes. The unusual level of resources that allowed the international community to correct its own early mistakes would not have been enough to guarantee property restitution in the absence of this successful implementation strategy.

Intro -- TABLE OF CONTENTS -- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS -- LIST OF ACRONYMS -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 Case Selection -- 1.2 Methodology -- 1.3 Structure -- Part I: Nationalism -- 2 Theories of Nationalism-A Brief Survey -- 2.1 Nation and Nationalism -- 2.1.1 Modernists and Primordialists -- 2.1.2 The 'Nation' -- 2.1.3 Nationalism -- 2.2 Analysing Nationalism in Contextual Terms -- 2.2.1 The geographical and historical contexts -- 2.2.2 The procedural context -- 3 A Comparative Look at Western Balkan Nationalisms -- 3.1 Elements of Commonality within Bosnian, Croat, and Serb Nationalisms -- 3.1.1 Ethnicity -- 3.1.2 Historical association -- 3.1.3 Religion -- 3.1.4 Language -- 3.2 Nationalism in Serbia-Martyrdom and Uprising -- 3.2.1 Before the uprisings: The ideological foundation of the Serbian uprising -- 3.2.2 From the revolution to the national state and beyond -- 3.3 Nationalism in Croatia-Historic Statehood Rights -- 3.3.1 The Illyrian movement -- 3.3.2 The Croat national movement -- 3.4 Yugoslavism-Two Forms of a Failed Idea -- 3.4.1 Yugoslavism-Jugoslovenstvo -- 3.4.2 Yugoslav 'brotherhood and unity' -- 3.4.3 Renewed nationalism and the collapse of Yugoslavia -- 4 Nationalism in Bosnia-Herzegovina -- 4.1 Historical Roots of Bosnian Identity: Medieval Bosnia -- 4.2 Bosnia under Ottoman Rule -- 4.3 Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats, Bosnian Serbs -- 4.3.1 'National' agitation under Ottoman rule -- 4.3.2 Nationalism in Habsburg Bosnia -- 4.3.3 Bosnian national identities in the two Yugoslavias -- 4.4 Conclusion -- Part II: Consociationalism -- 5 A brief Introduction to Consociational Theory -- 5.1 Contemporary Consociationalism and its Critics -- 5.2 The Original Model and Elite Behaviour -- 5.3 The Origins of Cooperation -- 6 'Imposed Consociation' -- 6.1 Intervention and Imposition -- 6.2 Consociational Democracy and the International Context.