Suchergebnisse

Mit der politischen Wende im südlichen Afrika ist die Zielsetzung verbunden, diejenige Bevölkerungsmehrheit, die in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten marginalisiert wurde, nun an den wirtschaftlichen Prozessen und Gewinnen zu beteiligen. Diese Zielsetzung ist mit Begriffen wie "indigenisation", "privatisation" und "affirmative action" verbunden. In einer Zusammenstellung von fünf Beiträgen werden diese Begriffe und die mit ihnen verbundenen politischen Konzepte kritisch diskutiert. Ein einleitender Beitrag gibt einen Überblick über ihre historische Entwicklung von der Kolonialzeit über die Phase der Unabhängigkeit bis zur gegenwärtigen Situation. In den anschließenden Beiträgen werden die jeweiligen Rahmenbedingungen (u.a. Anteil ausländischen Kapitals in der Volkswirtschaft, Anteil von Ausländern bzw. Weißen im Management, Entwicklung des privaten Sektors, Einführung staatlicher Förderprogramme) in Lesotho, Südafrika, Simbabwe und Sambia dargestellt. (DÜI-Spl)

A NUMBER OF POSSIBLE DIRECTONS FOR CHANGE IN SOUTHERN AFRICA ARE DISCUSSED IN THIS ARTICLE. THESE RANGE FROM "REGIONAL RESTABILIZATION" THROUGH "REGIONAL BREAK-UP AND PERIPHERALISTION" TO NEO-REGIONAL ALTERNATIVES". ANY DISCUSSION ON THE ROLE OF SOUTH AFRICA IN THE REGION MUST BE PREMISED ON AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE CAPITAL AND THE STATE. BOTH AS IT HAS EVOLVED AND AS IT IS LIKELY TO ALTER UNDER MAJORITY RULE. LIKEWISE THE DISCUSSION OF REGIONAL ALTERNATIVES MUST TAKE ACCOUNT OF THE NATURE OF CLASS FORMATION AND ITS EXPRESSION WITHIN THE VARIOUS NATION STATES OF SOUTHERN AFRICA, AND OF THE DIFFERENT FORMS WHICH CLASS STRUGGLE IS TAKING THROUGHOUT THE REGION.

President Botha's reforms and events during 1986; assessment of the U.S. "constructive engagement" policy.

A STRIKING FEATURE OF THE EMERGENCE OF THE 'NEW' SOUTH Africa following the first democratic election in April 1994 was the widespread expectation that both the mechanism of transition and the electoral outcome in coalition government (the Government of National Unity: GNU) might serve as a model to other African regimes similarly placed. This may well be true with respect, for example, to the relevance of power-sharing arrangements of the kind that were built into South Africa's interim constitution in 1993, but as I shall explain, South Africa's experience of constitutional change and its outcome is best understood as sui generis. I am inclined to be sceptical about this assumption on the grounds that 'models' imported from elsewhere have not served Africa well; that the establishment of Westminster-style democratic structures in newly independent states in the 1950s and 1960s based on winner-take-all electoral systems failed to take into account historical and cultural differences — in particular the absence of anything resembling a Western-style tradition of democratic participation. Whether it could have served as a model, given the constraints of the time — loss of imperial will, insistent claims of indigenous nationalist elites etc. — is another matter. As Michael Oakeshott remarks: '[democracy] has been homegrown in Western society and to seek to transfer its beliefs and habits to an exotic soil will always be difficult.'