Suchergebnisse

The environmental deterioration of the Danube River basin calls for unprecedented cooperation among the ten riparian and seven non-riparian basin countries, the majority of which are undergoing major economic and political transformations after the breakup of the Soviet Union. This paper discusses the recent legal and institutional developments along with the political hurdles leading to a post-Soviet regime for managing the Danube River and promoting sustainable development in the basin. After reviewing the geography and ecology, the conflicts and political issues of the Danube, the current efforts at building cooperative institutions are discussed. The question whether the Danube will be exclusively the responsibility of the basin countries, will include the Russian Federation and other countries of the Black Sea, or will be the responsibility of pan-European institutions in close connection with the European Union is addressed.

The environmental deterioration of the Danube River basin calls for unprecedented cooperation among the ten riparian and seven non-riparian basin countries, the majority of which are undergoing major economic and political transformations after the breakup of the Soviet Union. This paper discusses the recent legal and institutional developments along with the political hurdles leading to a post-Soviet regime for managing the Danube River and promoting sustainable development in the basin. After reviewing the geography and ecology, the conflicts and political issues of the Danube, the current efforts at building cooperative institutions are discussed. The question whether the Danube will be exclusively the responsibility of the basin countries, will include the Russian Federation and other countries of the Black Sea, or will be the responsibility of pan-European institutions in close connection with the European Union is addressed.

The environmental deterioration of the Danube River basin calls for unprecedented cooperation among the ten riparian and seven non-riparian basin countries, the majority of which are undergoing major economic and political transformations after the breakup of the Soviet Union. This paper discusses the recent legal and institutional developments along with the political hurdles leading to a post-Soviet regime for managing the Danube River and promoting sustainable development in the basin. After reviewing the geography and ecology, the conflicts and political issues of the Danube, the current efforts at building cooperative institutions are discussed. The question whether the Danube will be exclusively the responsibility of the basin countries, will include the Russian Federation and other countries of the Black Sea, or will be the responsibility of pan-European institutions in close connection with the European Union is addressed.

The environmental deterioration of the Danube River basin calls for unprecedented cooperation among the ten riparian and seven non-riparian basin countries, the majority of which are undergoing major economic and political transformations after the breakup of the Soviet Union. This paper discusses the recent legal and institutional developments along with the political hurdles leading to a post-Soviet regime for managing the Danube River and promoting sustainable development in the basin. After reviewing the geography and ecology, the conflicts and political issues of the Danube, the current efforts at building cooperative institutions are discussed. The question whether the Danube will be exclusively the responsibility of the basin countries, will include the Russian Federation and other countries of the Black Sea, or will be the responsibility of pan-European institutions in close connection with the European Union is addressed.

We examine the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) market as form of cooperative involvement between developing-host and developed-investor countries, likely to evolve into a form of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) with opportunities for further collaboration. We use three variables to measure the level of cooperation, namely number of joint CDM projects, volume of CO2 abatement realized from the CDM projects, and volume of investment in the CDM projects. We rely on international economics and international relations literature to suggest that the levels of economic development and institutional development, energy structures of the economies, country vulnerability to various climate change effects, political constraints, trade, and historic relations between the host and investor countries are good predictors of the level of cooperation in CDM projects. The main policy relevant conclusions include the importance of simplifying the CDM project regulation/clearance cycle as an essential policy option for further growth of joint CDM projects; improving governance structures in the host and investor countries that would lead to higher political stability and trust between the countries for business, including CDM; and strengthening trade or other long-term economic activities that connect the countries for fostering CDM cooperation.

We examine the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) market as form of cooperative involvement between developing-host and developed-investor countries, likely to evolve into a form of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) with opportunities for further collaboration. We use three variables to measure the level of cooperation, namely number of joint CDM projects, volume of CO2 abatement realized from the CDM projects, and volume of investment in the CDM projects. We rely on international economics and international relations literature to suggest that the levels of economic development and institutional development, energy structures of the economies, country vulnerability to various climate change effects, political constraints, trade, and historic relations between the host and investor countries are good predictors of the level of cooperation in CDM projects. The main policy relevant conclusions include the importance of simplifying the CDM project regulation/clearance cycle as an essential policy option for further growth of joint CDM projects; improving governance structures in the host and investor countries that would lead to higher political stability and trust between the countries for business, including CDM; and strengthening trade or other long-term economic activities that connect the countries for fostering CDM cooperation. Adapted from the source document.

Experience from climate policy suggests that full cooperation among all countries is not a likely outcome. In this paper we therefore consider the case where only members of a subgroup of countries cooperate by reciprocally matching their public good contributions. In a two‐stage game, matching rates are set at stage 1 then national contributions are chosen at stage 2. In the case of small coalitions, negative matching may result in the subgame‐perfect equilibrium that decreases global public good provision and outsiders' welfare. Moreover, a growing number of countries may paradoxically entail a reduction of equilibrium public good supply.