Suchergebnisse

Aggression, Crime and International Security examines the concept of aggression in international relations and how it has been dealt with by international law and collective security organisations. This book analyses the evolution of the concept of aggression in international relations from World War I to the post-Rome Statute era. It charts the emergence of two competing visions of this notion: on the one hand, as a triggering mechanism for collective security enforcement among states, and, on the other, as an international crime giving rise to individual responsibility. The author argues tha.

This article assesses how legal institutions affect the influence of politically active criminal organisations on the human capital of elected politicians using data from over 1,500 Southern Italian municipalities in the period 1985-2011. It exploits municipal government dissolutions imposed by the national government for (presumed) mafia infiltration as a source of exogenous variation in the presence of politically active criminal organisations. The results support theoretical predictions that the average education level of local politicians significantly increases when active mafia infiltration of local politics is remedied through the implementation of a stricter legal-institutional framework.

Biweekly newsletter published from 1974 to 2002. Alyona Kojevnikov founded and headed the Keston News Service from 1978 - 1990. ; The names of individuals listed for this item are in ALA-LC standard transliteration from Cyrillic.

The term genocide was coined by Raphael Lemkin (1900-1959) from the Greek genos (family, tribe, or race) and Latin-cide (killing). Lemkin was a Pole of Jewish descent and he used this term to describe the 1915 massacres of Armenians and Assyrians. Genocide may be defined as "the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious, or national group". War crimes constitute violations of the rules of engagement that are considered applicable during armed conflict. Since such actions are carried out by individuals or instigated on the order of individuals, individual criminal responsibility may be applied. Some examples summarized from the Nuremberg International Military Tribunals after the Second World War include the "murder, the ill-treatment or deportation of civilian residents of an occupied territory to slave labor camps . the murder or ill-treatment of prisoners of war . the wanton destruction of cities, towns and villages, and any devastation not justified by military or civilian necessity". Chalk and Jonassohn have noted that perceived differences between peoples may lead to one group considering another "as less than fully human: pagans, savages, or even animals", thereby sanctioning and even legitimizing genocide and war crimes. These situations are often depicted in Star Trek. I will review these two topics and identify common elements, including the Manichean sense of the struggle of good against evil and the almost inevitable punishment of perpetrators of such atrocities. Moreover, the shows' stories may provide insights into the potential workings of the minds of war criminals. ; N/A

These are but two of the difficult questions that arise when one examines the claim that crime is a public wrong. I take it, though, that their difficulty is an indication of the importance of thinking through the presuppositions and implications of this conception of crime, not a reason to abandon it. A thorough 'thinking through' is too large and complex a task for this chapter, but it is possible to make a case here for the right way to proceed with such an undertaking. That right way, in my view, is to look to the republican tradition of political thought for guidance in unravelling the problems that surround the analysis and practice of criminal law. In particular, I shall argue that republicanism can help us to understand what 'the public' is, how an action may wrong it, and why some of those wrongs should be designated crimes.

Most scholars and policymakers claim that cyberspace favors the offense; a minority of scholars disagree. Sweeping claims about the offense-defense balance in cyberspace are misguided because the balance can be assessed only with respect to specific organizational skills and technologies. The balance is defined in dyadic terms, that is, the value less the costs of offensive operations and the value less the costs of defensive operations. The costs of cyber operations are shaped primarily by the organizational skills needed to create and manage complex information technology efficiently. The current success of offense results primarily from poor defensive management and the relatively simpler goals of offense; it can be very costly to exert precise physical effects using cyberweapons. An empirical analysis shows that the Stuxnet cyberattacks on Iran's nuclear facilities very likely cost the offense much more than the defense. The perceived benefits of both the Stuxnet offense and defense, moreover, were likely two orders of magnitude greater than the perceived costs, making it unlikely that decisionmakers focused on costs.

AbstractCausal attributions are important social‐cognitive predictors of forgiveness. This article presents the Transgression Attribution Questionnaire (TAQ), a measure of one's negative internal causal attributions of a specific offense. In 4 studies, scores on the TAQ showed initial evidence of estimated internal consistency, temporal stability, and construct validity. Negative internal attributions for the cause of a transgression predicted lower levels of empathy and forgiveness. Furthermore, scores on the TAQ predicted forgiveness over and above the hurtfulness of the offense, relationship commitment, and a general measure of internal causal attributions in relationships. The current research bridges research on internal causal attributions and forgiveness. Implications for the social‐cognitive study of forgiveness and the measurement of causal attributions are discussed.