Suchergebnisse

The Syrian crisis is characterized by the intertwining of variables at the local, regional and global levels. The geopolitical importance of Syria and the positions of the Syrian government on many issues, most notably the Arab-Israeli conflict and the support of the "Resistance" in Palestine and Lebanon, radically divided the Syrian society and the Arab media into supporters and opponents of the Syrian government and created contrasting mental images of the Syrian crisis. Media not only transmit events but contribute to their creation as well. Media contents are formulated according to the desires and tendencies of the sender so that the recipients get mental images of the facts that make them adopt ideas and behaviors consistent with the propagandists' objectives. For many, the media are the basic source of information and consequently they are the creator of thoughts and attitudes. This study tackles the coverage of the internal pivot of the Syrian crisis by Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar channels from 2011 to 2013; that is before the expansion of the crisis on the Arab and international levels and before the role of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) got larger. In addition to its relation to the geopolitical importance of Syria, the importance of this research is related to the influential role of AlJazeera and Al-Manar channels on the public opinion of the Arab peoples. Moreover, the engagement of Qatar and Hezbollah in events in Syria increases the importance of the two channels which hold the agendas of their financers and convey the propagandas of the conflicting parties on the Syrian ground. This study aims at knowing the characteristics of the news discourse that is influenced by many political, economic, religious and military variables and at detecting the tools of propaganda. The quantitative analysis in this research shows the general features of the two channels' coverage mechanism of the Syrian crisis. The semiotic analysis studies the denotative and connotative levels of the verbal and non-verbal signifiers. This eventually helps to know the mental images which the two channels desire to insert into the recipient's mind. This research is based mainly on Agenda-setting Theory, News Framing Theory and Gatekeeping Theory, and based on a multidisciplinary approach. The evoked disciplines are: information and communication sciences, media sociology, politics, linguistics, history, propaganda and misleading, military sciences, sociology, and religion. The results proved that the tendency of Al-Jazeera is anti- Assad and pro-opposition by a rate of 100%, whereas Al-Manar's is contrary by 100%. Each signifier mentioned in the research samples contributes to propaganda promotion and psychological war. The two channels adopted several techniques which are known in the field of propaganda some of which are: Assertion, Repetition, Exaggeration, Name-calling, Glittering generalities, Reincarnation and plain folk, Recipient-credible testimonials, Bandwagon, Simplification, Emotional enticement, Euphemism, Diverting attention, Lesser than two evils, Pinpointing the enemy, Inflicting terror and chaos, Lying and misleading. The study detected other means that were employed in the context of propaganda war on the screens of the two channels: denying and trivializing the existence of the other, the people say the truth, more concentration on the actions of the enemy, simultaneous absence and presence, hinting, linking the destiny of the State to that of the people, alleviation of events´ severity through employing non-verbal signifiers, one signifier is stronger than many combined signifiers, direct and indirect adoption, direct and indirect bias, repeating the opponent's propaganda, exploiting the characteristics of Arabic language, Islamizing events and accusing the enemy of sectarianism, animalizing the opponent and undermining them through exploiting the socially prevailing meanings of words, exploiting the indications of the mentioned numbers, mentioning the names and types of weapons, giving free rein to the recipient's imagination through verbal and non-verbal signifiers, linking the feelings of hope or victory to religious phrases, showing the attitudes of children, disproving the other's propaganda, the channel gives the interviewed people political trends, balancing between the discourses of strength and weakness, images free from a clear meaning and leading the recipient's perception to the images content through the news story, exploiting the position of another enemy in the region, exploiting the interference of allies, stressing that the enemy is not strong and that it is rather brutal, indirect mentioning of the weakness of the opponent in order to justify the military actions, affirming the maintaining attitudes and continuation, the significances of the camera's angles and movement, exploiting non-traditional spoils, metaphors, linking all the catastrophic results to the opponent, a signifier on behalf of another, exploiting the characteristics of the female, integrating the statistical presentation with the emotional enticement, addressing the topic of ethnicities and sects indirectly, the journalists' involvement in the events, human icons, and the propagandists spread their propaganda through mentioning or adopting that of another party.

Introduction: Today, the dangers of alcohol consumption during pregnancy are well known ; from foetal alcohol syndrome to all foetal alcohol spectrum disorders screened later in childhood. More than 30% pregnant women continue to drink. The main objective of the study is to mesure the knowledge of the impact on the unborn child of the alcohol consumption during pregnancy in women of childbearing age in Marseille and Aubagne. Secondary's objectives are to assess their knowledge of the message "Zero alcohol during pregnancy", to evaluate the changes in the consumption of alcohol considered during a pregnancy project and to identify changes in alcohol consumption during past pregnancies.Method: A quantitative descriptive cross-sectional study based on a questionnaire survey in french, english and arabic is conducted among 200 women aged 18 to 45 years in waiting rooms for general practitioners, from march 8 to april 6, 2019, after consultation of the computer science and liberties advisor. The answers to the questionnaire are collected on tablet in offline, self-service, after oral consent. Collection, exploitation of data and graphic representations are carried out at using the Sphinx Declic software.Results: 20 responses were obtained per site for 200 responses in total. 18 women refused to participate. 69.5 % of women think that there is no alcohol consumption that is safe for the baby. The physical consequences (foetal growth retardation, prematurity and physical abnormalities of the baby) are better known as intellectual consequences (lack of concentration in school for young child, memory problems and poor eyesight in children). The message "Zero alcohol during pregnancy " is quite well known, but two out of five women not yet aware that alcohol consumption by pregnant women risks for the baby from the first drink. Regarding a pregnancy project, about three in five women intend to change their alcohol intake as soon as the desire to become pregnant or at least to stop the contraceptive method, while for past pregnancies, they were two women out of five.Conclusion: Knowledge of the consequences of foetal alcohol appears to be slight decline in this study, despite the current prevention policy. It seems essential to strengthen primary prevention in these women of childbearing age, also thinking about health professionals, the entourage and all stakeholders influence their alcohol consumption, so that efforts can be shared and thus strengthened. ; Introduction : aujourd'hui, les dangers de la consommation d'alcool pendant la grossesse sont bien connus ; du syndrome d'alcoolisation fœtale aux multiples troubles causés par l'alcoolisation fœtale et dépistés plus tard dans l'enfance. Or, plus de 30 % des femmes enceintes poursuivent une consommation d'alcool. L'objectif principal de l'étude est de mesurer la connaissance des conséquences sur l'enfant à naître de la consommation d'alcool au cours de la grossesse chez les femmes en âge de procréer sur Marseille et Aubagne. Les objectifs secondaires sont d'évaluer leur connaissance du message « Zéro alcool pendant la grossesse », d'évaluer les modifications de la consommation d'alcool envisagées lors d'un futur projet de grossesse et de relever les modifications de la consommation d'alcool lors des grossesses passées. Méthode : une étude quantitative descriptive transversale basée sur un questionnaire d'enquête en français, anglais et arabe est réalisée auprès de 200 femmes âgée de 18 à 45 ans en salles d'attente de médecins généralistes, du 8 mars au 6 avril 2019, après consultation du Conseiller Informatique et Libertés. Les réponses au questionnaire sont recueillies sur tablette en mode déconnecté, en libre-service, après consentement oral. Le recueil, l'exploitation des données et les représentations graphiques sont effectués à l'aide du logiciel Sphinx Déclic. Résultats : 20 réponses ont été obtenues par site pour 200 réponses au total. 18 femmes ont refusé de participer. 69,5 % des femmes pensent qu'il n'existe pas de consommation d'alcool qui soit sans risque pour le bébé. Les conséquences physiques (retard de croissance du fœtus, prématurité et anomalies physiques du bébé) sont mieux connues que les conséquences intellectuelles (manque de concentration à l'école pour le jeune enfant, troubles de la mémoire et mauvaise vue chez l'enfant). Le message « Zéro alcool pendant la grossesse » est plutôt bien connu, mais deux femmes sur cinq n'ont pas encore conscience que la consommation d'alcool par la femme enceinte comporte des risques pour le bébé dès le premier verre. Concernant un futur projet de grossesse, environ trois femmes sur cinq ont l'intention de modifier leur consommation d'alcool dès le désir de grossesse ou au moins à l'arrêt du moyen de contraception, tandis que pour les grossesses passées, elles étaient deux femmes sur cinq. Conclusion : la connaissance des conséquences de l'alcoolisation fœtale semble en léger recul dans cette étude, malgré la politique de prévention actuelle. Il apparaît essentiel de renforcer la prévention primaire chez ces femmes en âge de procréer, en pensant aussi aux professionnels de santé, à l'entourage et à tous les intervenants pouvant avoir une influence sur leur consommation d'alcool, pour que les efforts soient partagés et ainsi renforcés.

Mashhad is located in northeastern Iran and known as one of the most prominent religious cities in the Shia world. Religion, more than other factors such as geographical position and culture, has influenced the creation, expansion, and development of the city. The location of the burial place of Imam Alī al-Ridā, the 8th Imam of the Shi'ite, led the city to surpass its other nearby towns until it became one of the largest centers of Iran in the 16th century. With the official adoption of Shi'ism, Iranian kings have always shown a great deal of interest in the growth and development of Mashhad in order to reduce travels to Arabic religious centers and prevent the financial exploitation of these cities from pilgrimages. For this purpose, restoration and extension of the Holy Shrine have been undertaken as the primary innovative initiatives. Consequently, the first expansions of the city begin around the sanctuary within the ramparts with the formation of the neighborhoods that presented the form of an Islamic city comprising great public buildings, habitations, and alleys that would all lead to the sacred area. During the decades, the artistic taste of the governors brought various innovations to the town in terms of art, architecture and urban developments, to the extent that Mashhad became a city full of magnificent buildings like caravanserais, bazaars, mosques and grand mansions. In the 20th century, the city began extending out of the walls and turned into a modern city which gradually led to the loss of its historical identity and monuments. After the victory of the Islamic revolution in 1979, rulers have given more attention to this city. This attention towards Mashhad brought about the approval of Urban Master Plan in 1999 due to which historical residential quarters in Mashhad were destroyed and renovated to improve the context around the Holy Shrine Complex. During the last decades, countless traditional dwellings have been demolished by implementing renovation projects for historic center. Almost all of the buildings in question presented great values that have never been recognized by society or the government. The approach that will be described in this thesis concerns a study on the architectural typology of three traditional ordinary dwellings in Mashhad. They are located in the most ancient districts of city which are the victims of modernity. According to the research conducted, the case studies are the most ancient type of houses in the town which show characteristics of habitations in the late 18th century. In comparison with the 19th century mansions, these kinds of houses are built on smaller proportions and are relatively more modest. Both types, glorious or ordinary, present the common principles and characteristics which would be observed in all Middle Eastern houses with a central courtyard. Nevertheless, the ordinary small houses are not considered as heritage regardless of their architectural and historical values. This neglect perhaps comes from the fact that houses belonging to the 18th century are not as large and decorated as mansions; however, great houses are the configuration of the minor houses in a developed form. 17 Up to now, the majority of researches or activities have been focused on the study of palaces or wellknown houses located in cities like Isfahan and Yazd in most cases. Moreover, the studies conducted on traditional habitations of Mashhad included only the instances of the 19th century, all registered on National Heritage List. The lack of research on the ordinary traditional habitations have kept their values unknown to the community and state. As a result, due to not having been as heritage, they face serious challenges such as abandonment and destruction. At the beginning of the research activity after identifying the case studies and observing their physical conditions, the aim was to document the characteristics of three houses; Nili, Tehrani and Bidari, which should be the most historical dwellings in Mashhad. Through an in-depth research and focus on acquiring the required knowledge, their historical and architectural aspects will present a strong reason to register them as national heritage so they can be preserved. However, during the research, the first case of study, Nili House, was demolished by the owner in October 2018 and the third house, Bidari, was destructed by the municipality in summer 2017 due to construction of a new urban avenue. The current dissertation is an attempt to sensitize both the general public and the state and encourage to participate in the protection of local patrimonies through presenting a description of how the traditional houses of Mashhad, that represent the historical and cultural identity of the city, disappear one after the other.

Introduction: Today, the dangers of alcohol consumption during pregnancy are well known ; from foetal alcohol syndrome to all foetal alcohol spectrum disorders screened later in childhood. More than 30% pregnant women continue to drink. The main objective of the study is to mesure the knowledge of the impact on the unborn child of the alcohol consumption during pregnancy in women of childbearing age in Marseille and Aubagne. Secondary's objectives are to assess their knowledge of the message "Zero alcohol during pregnancy", to evaluate the changes in the consumption of alcohol considered during a pregnancy project and to identify changes in alcohol consumption during past pregnancies.Method: A quantitative descriptive cross-sectional study based on a questionnaire survey in french, english and arabic is conducted among 200 women aged 18 to 45 years in waiting rooms for general practitioners, from march 8 to april 6, 2019, after consultation of the computer science and liberties advisor. The answers to the questionnaire are collected on tablet in offline, self-service, after oral consent. Collection, exploitation of data and graphic representations are carried out at using the Sphinx Declic software.Results: 20 responses were obtained per site for 200 responses in total. 18 women refused to participate. 69.5 % of women think that there is no alcohol consumption that is safe for the baby. The physical consequences (foetal growth retardation, prematurity and physical abnormalities of the baby) are better known as intellectual consequences (lack of concentration in school for young child, memory problems and poor eyesight in children). The message "Zero alcohol during pregnancy " is quite well known, but two out of five women not yet aware that alcohol consumption by pregnant women risks for the baby from the first drink. Regarding a pregnancy project, about three in five women intend to change their alcohol intake as soon as the desire to become pregnant or at least to stop the contraceptive method, while for past pregnancies, they were two women out of five.Conclusion: Knowledge of the consequences of foetal alcohol appears to be slight decline in this study, despite the current prevention policy. It seems essential to strengthen primary prevention in these women of childbearing age, also thinking about health professionals, the entourage and all stakeholders influence their alcohol consumption, so that efforts can be shared and thus strengthened. ; Introduction : aujourd'hui, les dangers de la consommation d'alcool pendant la grossesse sont bien connus ; du syndrome d'alcoolisation fœtale aux multiples troubles causés par l'alcoolisation fœtale et dépistés plus tard dans l'enfance. Or, plus de 30 % des femmes enceintes poursuivent une consommation d'alcool. L'objectif principal de l'étude est de mesurer la connaissance des conséquences sur l'enfant à naître de la consommation d'alcool au cours de la grossesse chez les femmes en âge de procréer sur Marseille et Aubagne. Les objectifs secondaires sont d'évaluer leur connaissance du message « Zéro alcool pendant la grossesse », d'évaluer les modifications de la consommation d'alcool envisagées lors d'un futur projet de grossesse et de relever les modifications de la consommation d'alcool lors des grossesses passées. Méthode : une étude quantitative descriptive transversale basée sur un questionnaire d'enquête en français, anglais et arabe est réalisée auprès de 200 femmes âgée de 18 à 45 ans en salles d'attente de médecins généralistes, du 8 mars au 6 avril 2019, après consultation du Conseiller Informatique et Libertés. Les réponses au questionnaire sont recueillies sur tablette en mode déconnecté, en libre-service, après consentement oral. Le recueil, l'exploitation des données et les représentations graphiques sont effectués à l'aide du logiciel Sphinx Déclic. Résultats : 20 réponses ont été obtenues par site pour 200 réponses au total. 18 femmes ont refusé de participer. 69,5 % des femmes pensent qu'il n'existe pas de consommation d'alcool qui soit sans risque pour le bébé. Les conséquences physiques (retard de croissance du fœtus, prématurité et anomalies physiques du bébé) sont mieux connues que les conséquences intellectuelles (manque de concentration à l'école pour le jeune enfant, troubles de la mémoire et mauvaise vue chez l'enfant). Le message « Zéro alcool pendant la grossesse » est plutôt bien connu, mais deux femmes sur cinq n'ont pas encore conscience que la consommation d'alcool par la femme enceinte comporte des risques pour le bébé dès le premier verre. Concernant un futur projet de grossesse, environ trois femmes sur cinq ont l'intention de modifier leur consommation d'alcool dès le désir de grossesse ou au moins à l'arrêt du moyen de contraception, tandis que pour les grossesses passées, elles étaient deux femmes sur cinq. Conclusion : la connaissance des conséquences de l'alcoolisation fœtale semble en léger recul dans cette étude, malgré la politique de prévention actuelle. Il apparaît essentiel de renforcer la prévention primaire chez ces femmes en âge de procréer, en pensant aussi aux professionnels de santé, à l'entourage et à tous les intervenants pouvant avoir une influence sur leur consommation d'alcool, pour que les efforts soient partagés et ainsi renforcés.

Since its origins, the European colonial venture in North Africa and the Middle East was supported by a scientific and academic system that complemented military action. Like other territories under European control, Morocco became an object of study for the purposes of colonization and monitoring of its geography, its populations, its history, and its religious and cultural practices and, of course, its organizations and institutions. Among the organizations that elicited colonial interest were religious brotherhoods (in Arabic ṭarīqa, pl. ṭurūq), which had great religious and social power and influence throughout the country. In Northern Morocco, the area that would eventually become the Spanish Protectorate in Morocco, the most powerful ṭarīqa was the Darqāwiyya, whose presence also extended to the rest of the country, North Africa and some areas of the Middle East. This institution, which had already been studied by the early French colonial authorities, was a target of the Spanish information services all along the colonial period. The Darqāwiyya was seen as a threat to the success of the colonial venture due to its clientele networks and its social and religious prestige. Given that this brotherhood was a fragmented institution, it is impossible to single out a sole leader or a unique politics of action that characterized the entire Darqāwiyya. Instead, the leaders of the different branches of the Darqāwiyya acted according to their particular interests in their relationships with Moroccan and colonial powers. This paper examines the origins of the Darqāwa and its different branches established in Northern Morocco, as well as the origin of the negative portrayals of this brotherhood in the first colonial sources; portrayals that were perpetuated and affirmed by Spanish colonial agents. Through an in-depth examination of several key events, we will analyse the position of the Darqāwa leaders towards the rebellions of Aḥmad al-Raysūnī and ʿAbd al-Krim al-Khaṭṭābī against colonial authorities. In addition, we will discuss the relationships and power games between these leaders and colonial agents during the Spanish Civil War, and their positions towards the rise and flourishing of Moroccan nationalism in the North of the country. Across these different historical moments, we will conclude that, despite the negative view and the mistrust in which the Darqāwa were depicted in colonial sources, both parties collaborated with each other on several occasions for their mutual benefit. ; La empresa colonial europea en el norte de África y Oriente Medio estuvo respaldada desde sus principios por un aparato científico y académico que completaba la acción militar. Como en otros territorios bajo dominio europeo, Marruecos se convirtió en objeto de estudio para su colonización y control: su geografía, sus poblaciones, su historia, sus prácticas religiosas y culturales y, por supuesto, sus organizaciones e instituciones. En este aspecto, las cofradías religiosas (en árabe ṭarīqa, pl. ṭurūq) eran organizaciones con un gran poder e influencia social y religiosa, y estaban extendidas por todo el territorio. En la parte norte de Marruecos, la zona que se correspondería con el Protectorado de España en Marruecos, la ṭarīqa más influyente era la Darqāwiyya, extendida también por el resto del país y por todo el norte de África y enclaves de Oriente Medio. Esta institución, que ya había sido estudiada por el temprano colonialismo francés, se mantendría en el punto de mira de los servicios de información españoles durante todo el período colonial, ya que era considerada, por sus redes clientelares y prestigio social y religioso, como un agente peligroso y dañino para el éxito de la empresa colonial. Debido a su alto grado de fragmentación, no podremos hablar de un liderazgo ni de una política de acción únicos de esta cofradía, pues cada líder de las distintas ramas actuaría respondiendo a una política y a unos intereses propios en sus relaciones con los poderes marroquíes y coloniales. Este artículo examina los orígenes de los Darqāwa y sus distintas ramas establecidas en el norte de Marruecos, así como el origen de la imagen negativa de esta cofradía en las primeras fuentes coloniales; una imagen que fue perpetuada y confirmada por los agentes coloniales españoles. A través de varios episodios significativos, analizaremos la postura de los líderes de la ṭarīqa ante las rebeliones al poder colonial de Aḥmad al-Raysūnī y ʿAbd al-Krim al-Khaṭṭābī, las relaciones y juegos de poder entre estos líderes y los agentes coloniales durante la guerra civil española y sus posturas ante el nacimiento y auge del nacionalismo marroquí en la zona norte. A través de estas distintas etapas podremos concluir que, a pesar de la imagen negativa y la desconfianza de la que gozaban los Darqāwa, lo cierto es que existió la colaboración entre ambas partes en numerosas ocasiones para beneficio mutuo.

Abstract This article aims to find out and describe the pattern of Islamic education moderation in Indonesian history. Islam in Indonesia is manhaj tawasuṭ (moderate). With manhaj, Islam as a religion followed by the majority of the Indonesian population succeeded in entering into every aspect of life in Indonesia from social, cultural, economic and even political and government bureaucracy. Similarly, Islamic education managed to occupy an important position in education in Indonesia. Even though it is an alternative education, the fact is that Islamic education in Indonesia is a very important part to educate the nation. Moderation of Islamic education in Indonesia began with the first education model in Indonesia, namely pesantren. The pattern of moderation found from pesantren is cultural acculturation which is very obvious, from the knowledge learned to educational methods used, Arabic pegon to fill the language gap. The next phase is accommodation patterns that we can see from madrasa that adapts the classical government system from the colonial side. The next pattern is formalization that can be described through the phenomenon of state madrasas. Then, the latest is mu'adalah policy and formal diniyyah education. From these patterns it can be concluded that Indonesian Islamic education always takes the middle way (wasaṭiyyah) of every challenge that arises due to historical movements. This modernization is a genius manner by paying attention to the rules of muḥafadzah 'alāqadīm al-ḥāliḥ wa al-akhdzu bi jadīd al-aṣlaḥ. With this understanding, Islamic education in Indonesia will always be relevant in every space and time (ṣaliḥli kull zamān wa makān) as aspired by the salāf al-ṣaliḥ. Keyword: Moderation, Islamic Education ملخص تهدف هذه المقالة إلى اكتشاف نمط الاعتدال في التربية الإسلامية في إندونيسيا ووصفه في المسار التاريخي. كما هو معروف أن الإسلام في إندونيسيا لديه منهج التوسط كإحدى خصائصه. مع منهاجه المعتدل، نجح الإسلام كدين يتبعه غالبية السكان الإندونيسيين وهو يدخل في كل مفاصل حياتهم بدءا من البيروقراطية الاجتماعية والثقافية والاقتصادية وحتى السياسية والحكومية. وكذلك، نجح التعليم الإسلامي في احتلال مكانة هامة في عالم التعليم في إندونيسيا. على الرغم من أنه تعليم بديل، إلا أن التعليم الإسلامي في إندونيسيا جزء مهم للغاية في الجهود الرامية إلى تثقيف حياة الأمة. أول الاعتدال في التربية الإسلامية في إندونيسيا وهو في المعهد الإسلامى. هذا النمط الاعتدال الموجود في المعهد الإسلامى هو التثقيف الثقافية الواضح عند النظر إلى خصوصيات ذلك المعهد وعمومياته بدءا من نظام تعليمه، والعلوم المستفادة فيه حتى الأساليب التعليمية التي تستخدم منها العربية Pegon كجسر من الفجوة في لغة التدريس. في المرحلة التالية، يمكن العثور على أنماط الإقامة التي يمكن رؤيتها من خلال التعليم في المدرسة التي تكيّف النظام الحكومي الكلاسيكي من الجانب الاستعماري. النمط التالي هو الشكل الرسمي الذي يمكن وصفه من خلال ظاهرة ازدهار المدارس الإسلامية الحكومية، وصولاً إلى أحدث سياسات المعضدة وهو لتعليم الرسمي لتعليم المسائل الدينية Madrasah Diniyah. من هذه الأنماط، يمكن أن نستنتج أن التعليم الإسلامي الإندونيسي يأخذ دائمًا مسارًا متوسطًا (الوسيطية) من أي تحديات تنشأ بسبب حركة التاريخ. الرد على التجديد بطريقة عبقرية من خلال الاهتمام بقواعد المخافظة على القيم الصالح والأخذ بالجديد الأصلح. وبهذا الفهم ، سيكون التعليم الإسلامي في إندونيسيا دائمًا صالح لكل زمان ومكان كما أمله السلف اصالح. مفتاح الكلمات: الاعتدال ، التربية الإسلامية Abstrak Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan mendeskripsikan pola moderasi pendidikan Islam di Indonesia dalam lintasan sejarah. Sebagaimana diketahui bahwa Islam di Indonesia memiliki manhaj tawasuṭ (moderat) sebagai ciri khasnya. Dengan manhaj moderatnya, Islam sebagai agama yang diikuti mayoritas penduduk Indonesia berhasil masuk dalam setiap sendi kehidupan di Indonesia mulai dari sosial, budaya, ekonomi bahkan politik dan birokrasi pemerintahan. Demikian pula pendidikan Islam berhasil menempati posisi penting dalam dunia pendidikan di Indonesia. Sekalipun ia merupakan pendidikan alternatif, faktanya pendidikan Islam di Indonesia menjadi bagian yang sangat penting dalam usaha mencerdaskan kehidupan bangsa. Moderasi pendidikan Islam di Indonesia diawali sejak model pendidikan pertama di Indonesia yaitu pesantren. Pola moderasi yang ditemukan dari pesantren adalah akulturasi budaya yang sangat kentara jika mencermati seluk-beluk pesantren mulai dari sistem pendidikannya, ilmu yang dipelajari hingga metode pendidikan yang menggunakan arab pegon sebagai jembatan dari kesenjangan bahasa pengantar. Pada fase berikutnya ditemukan pola akomodasi yang bisa kita lihat dari pendidikan madrasah yang mengadaptasi sistem pemerintahan klasikal dari pihak kolonial. Pola selanjutnya adalah formalisasi yang bisa digambarkan melalui fenomena menjamurnya madrasah negeri, sampai yang terbaru, kebijakan mu'adalah dan pendidikan diniyyah formal. Dari pola-pola tersebut bisa disimpulkan bahwasanya pendidikan Islam Indonesia selalu mengambil jalan tengah (wasaṭiyyah) dari setiap tantangan yang muncul akibat gerak sejarah. Kebaharuan direspon dengan cara yang jenius dengan memperhatikan kaidah muḥafadzah 'alā qadīm al-ṣāliḥ wa al-akhdzu bi jadīd al-aṣlaḥ. Dengan pemahaman demikian maka pendidikan Islam di Indonesia akan selalu relevan dalam setiap ruang dan waktu (ṣaliḥ li kull zamān wa makān) sebagaimana dicita-citakan para salāf al-ṣaliḥ. Kata Kunci: Moderasi, Pendidikan Islam

As a product of the North African region, the Maghreb literary phenomenon combines specific The features of three cultures - Arabic, Berber and French - still occupy a special place in the world literature. The colonization of the Maghreb, the expansion of French culture, the policy of assimilation and acculturation, the resistance movement of colonized peoples led to the literary bilingualism of Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, which specifically activated the literary process of a certain region. The French-speaking Maghreb literature was constituted in the fifties of the last century, but only in the 1960s, thanks to the works of A.Memmi and A.Catibi, was recognized as a separate direction in world literature.The fundamental connection between Maghreb French-speaking literature and the historical and cultural contextallocates it from the mass, the so-called colonial literature. The French-speaking Maghreb writers, who cover the problems of self-identification and national identity, revival of personality and rebellion, loss of identity and exile, as well as women's emancipation, determine the specificity of this literary-direction. The most famous representatives of the French-speaking Maghrib literature for this The moment is recognized by A.Jebar, M.Dib, A.Memmi, M.Feraun, K.Yasin further. The work of these writers defined a new type of literature d'expression française, a national-specific for each individual from these countries. ; En tant que produit de la région nord-africaine, le phénomène littéraire du Maghreb combine des Les caractéristiques de trois cultures - l'arabe, le berbère et le français - occupent toujours une place particulière dans la littérature mondiale. La colonisation du Maghreb, l'expansion de la culture française, la politique d'assimilation et d'acculturation, le mouvement de résistance des peuples colonisés ont conduit au bilinguisme littéraire de l'Algérie, de la Tunisie, Le Maroc, qui a spécifiquement activé le processus littéraire d'une certaine région. La littérature francophone du Maghreb a été constituée dans les années cinquante du siècle dernier, mais seulement dans les années 1960, grâce aux travaux de A.Memmi et A.Catibi, a été reconnu comme une direction distincte dans la littérature mondiale. Le lien fondamental entre la littérature francophone du Maghreb et le contexte historique et culturel l'attribue à la masse, la littérature dite coloniale. Les écrivains maghrébins francophones, qui couvrent les problèmes de l'auto-identification et de l'identité nationale, la renaissance de la personnalité et de la rébellion, la perte de l'identité et de l'exil, ainsi que l'émancipation des femmes, déterminent la spécificité de cette littérature direction. Les plus célèbres représentants de la littérature francophone du Maghreb pour cette Le moment est reconnu par A.Jebar, M.Dib, A.Memmi, M.Feraun, K.Yasin plus loin. Le travail de ces écrivains définit un nouveau type de littérature d'expression française, spécifique à chaque individu de ces pays. ; Как продукт североафриканского региона, магрибский литературный феномен сочетает в себе специфическиечерты трех культур - арабской, берберской и французской и сегодня занимает особое место в мировой литературе. Колонизация Магриба, экспансия французской культуры, политика ассимиляции и аккультурации, движение сопротивления колонизированных народов привели к литературному билингвизма Алжира, Туниса, Марокко, что специфическим образом активизировало литературный процесс определенного региона. Франкоязычная магрибская литература конституировалась еще в пятидесятые годы прошлого века, но только в 60-х, благодаря трудам А.Мемми и А.Катиби, была признана отдельным направлением в мировой литературе. Фундаментальная связь между магрибской франкоязычной литературой и историко-культурным контекстом выделяет ее из массы, так называемой колониальной литературы. Франкоязычные магрибские писатели, освещающие проблемы самоидентификации и национальной принадлежности, возрождения личности и бунта, потери идентичности и изгнание, а также женской эмансипации, определяют специфичность этого литератур-ного направления. Самыми известными представителями франкоязычной магрибской литературы на данныймомент признаются А.Джебар, М. Диб, А. Мемми, М. Фераун, К. Ясин далее. Творчество этих писателей определило новый тип литературы d'expression française, национально-специфическое для каждой отдельно взятойиз этих стран. ; Як продукт південно-африканського регіону, магрибський літературний феномен поєднує в собі специфічні риси трьох культур - арабської, берберської і французької та сьогодні займає особливе місце в світовій літературі. Колонізація Магрибу, експансія французької культури, політика асиміляції і акультурації, рух опору колонізованих народів привели до літературної білінгвізму Алжиру, Тунісу, Марокко, що специфічним чином активізувало літературний процес певного регіону. Франкомовна магрибську література конституировалась ще в п'ятдесяті роки минулого століття, але тільки в 60-х, завдяки працям А.Меммі і А.Катібі, була визнана окремим напрямком у світовій літературі. Фундаментальна зв'язок між магрибську франкомовної літературою та історико-культурним контекстом виділяє її з маси, так званої колоніальної літератури. Франкомовні Магрибські письменники, які висвітлюють проблеми самоідентифікації і національної приналежності, відродження особистості і бунту, втрати ідентичності і вигнання, а також жіночої емансипації, визначають специфічність цього літературного напрямку. Найвідомішими представниками франкомовної магрибську літератури на даний момент визнаються А.Джебар, М.Діб, А.Меммі, М.Фераун, К.Ясін далі. Творчість цих письменників визначило новий тип літератури d'expression française, національно-специфічне для кожної окремо взятої з цих країн.

As a product of the North African region, the Maghreb literary phenomenon combines specific The features of three cultures - Arabic, Berber and French - still occupy a special place in the world literature. The colonization of the Maghreb, the expansion of French culture, the policy of assimilation and acculturation, the resistance movement of colonized peoples led to the literary bilingualism of Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, which specifically activated the literary process of a certain region. The French-speaking Maghreb literature was constituted in the fifties of the last century, but only in the 1960s, thanks to the works of A.Memmi and A.Catibi, was recognized as a separate direction in world literature.The fundamental connection between Maghreb French-speaking literature and the historical and cultural contextallocates it from the mass, the so-called colonial literature. The French-speaking Maghreb writers, who cover the problems of self-identification and national identity, revival of personality and rebellion, loss of identity and exile, as well as women's emancipation, determine the specificity of this literary-direction. The most famous representatives of the French-speaking Maghrib literature for this The moment is recognized by A.Jebar, M.Dib, A.Memmi, M.Feraun, K.Yasin further. The work of these writers defined a new type of literature d'expression française, a national-specific for each individual from these countries. ; En tant que produit de la région nord-africaine, le phénomène littéraire du Maghreb combine des Les caractéristiques de trois cultures - l'arabe, le berbère et le français - occupent toujours une place particulière dans la littérature mondiale. La colonisation du Maghreb, l'expansion de la culture française, la politique d'assimilation et d'acculturation, le mouvement de résistance des peuples colonisés ont conduit au bilinguisme littéraire de l'Algérie, de la Tunisie, Le Maroc, qui a spécifiquement activé le processus littéraire d'une certaine région. La littérature francophone du Maghreb a été constituée dans les années cinquante du siècle dernier, mais seulement dans les années 1960, grâce aux travaux de A.Memmi et A.Catibi, a été reconnu comme une direction distincte dans la littérature mondiale. Le lien fondamental entre la littérature francophone du Maghreb et le contexte historique et culturel l'attribue à la masse, la littérature dite coloniale. Les écrivains maghrébins francophones, qui couvrent les problèmes de l'auto-identification et de l'identité nationale, la renaissance de la personnalité et de la rébellion, la perte de l'identité et de l'exil, ainsi que l'émancipation des femmes, déterminent la spécificité de cette littérature direction. Les plus célèbres représentants de la littérature francophone du Maghreb pour cette Le moment est reconnu par A.Jebar, M.Dib, A.Memmi, M.Feraun, K.Yasin plus loin. Le travail de ces écrivains définit un nouveau type de littérature d'expression française, spécifique à chaque individu de ces pays. ; Как продукт североафриканского региона, магрибский литературный феномен сочетает в себе специфическиечерты трех культур - арабской, берберской и французской и сегодня занимает особое место в мировой литературе. Колонизация Магриба, экспансия французской культуры, политика ассимиляции и аккультурации, движение сопротивления колонизированных народов привели к литературному билингвизма Алжира, Туниса, Марокко, что специфическим образом активизировало литературный процесс определенного региона. Франкоязычная магрибская литература конституировалась еще в пятидесятые годы прошлого века, но только в 60-х, благодаря трудам А.Мемми и А.Катиби, была признана отдельным направлением в мировой литературе. Фундаментальная связь между магрибской франкоязычной литературой и историко-культурным контекстом выделяет ее из массы, так называемой колониальной литературы. Франкоязычные магрибские писатели, освещающие проблемы самоидентификации и национальной принадлежности, возрождения личности и бунта, потери идентичности и изгнание, а также женской эмансипации, определяют специфичность этого литератур-ного направления. Самыми известными представителями франкоязычной магрибской литературы на данныймомент признаются А.Джебар, М. Диб, А. Мемми, М. Фераун, К. Ясин далее. Творчество этих писателей определило новый тип литературы d'expression française, национально-специфическое для каждой отдельно взятойиз этих стран. ; Як продукт південно-африканського регіону, магрибський літературний феномен поєднує в собі специфічні риси трьох культур - арабської, берберської і французької та сьогодні займає особливе місце в світовій літературі. Колонізація Магрибу, експансія французької культури, політика асиміляції і акультурації, рух опору колонізованих народів привели до літературної білінгвізму Алжиру, Тунісу, Марокко, що специфічним чином активізувало літературний процес певного регіону. Франкомовна магрибську література конституировалась ще в п'ятдесяті роки минулого століття, але тільки в 60-х, завдяки працям А.Меммі і А.Катібі, була визнана окремим напрямком у світовій літературі. Фундаментальна зв'язок між магрибську франкомовної літературою та історико-культурним контекстом виділяє її з маси, так званої колоніальної літератури. Франкомовні Магрибські письменники, які висвітлюють проблеми самоідентифікації і національної приналежності, відродження особистості і бунту, втрати ідентичності і вигнання, а також жіночої емансипації, визначають специфічність цього літературного напрямку. Найвідомішими представниками франкомовної магрибську літератури на даний момент визнаються А.Джебар, М.Діб, А.Меммі, М.Фераун, К.Ясін далі. Творчість цих письменників визначило новий тип літератури d'expression française, національно-специфічне для кожної окремо взятої з цих країн.

Medication use has become complex due to increase in medications available on the market and other advances in medicines and patient management. Pharmacists, given their unique position in the healthcare system and accessibility to communities at large, have a pivotal role in optimising medication therapy and patient safety. Often, they are the patients' first point of contact with the healthcare system. Accordingly, it is important to strategically ensure optimal pharmacy services. This can be achieved with input from key stakeholders (i.e. pharmacists, patients and physicians). The limited evidence from developing countries shows sub-optimal quality of community pharmacy services and the need for major improvements. Indeed, evidence about community pharmacy services from the key stakeholders' perspectives in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) remains unknown. Such information is valuable to facilitate development of policies and interventions to optimise community pharmacy services in the UAE context. Therefore, this thesis aimed to characterise current community pharmacy practice in the UAE and propose recommendations for improvement. The research presented in this thesis comprised three phases. Phase one was a survey of the characteristics of community pharmacy practice and the type and frequency of professional services provided through community pharmacies in the UAE. A self-completed questionnaire was delivered by hand to a systematic sample of community pharmacies (n = 700; response rate 49%). Community pharmacists worked long hours (≥ 48 hours/week) and were possibly inadequately trained to provide enhanced pharmacy services. There is no professional pharmacy organisation in the UAE, which may be a barrier to development of services. High turnover of pharmacists was recognised, which could be due to low job satisfaction and poor remuneration. Sub-optimal quality of services was reported. Fewer than one-third (29%) reported they always supplied medication information to patients; most pharmacies (92%) did not routinely keep patient records; and screening and monitoring services were provided by only a small number of pharmacies. Clearly, enhancements in human resource-related conditions and improvements to the professional role of the pharmacist are needed. This phase has, for the first time, documented baseline workforce and service-related information that is critical for future improvement of the community pharmacy practice in the UAE. Phase two was an investigation of patients' satisfaction with current community pharmacy services and other services that they would be likely to use if they were provided through community pharmacies. A questionnaire was specifically developed and validated for the Arabic context, and was hand delivered to a convenience sample of participants in public places for self-completion (n = 500; response rate 93%). Four dimensions of satisfaction emerged from factor analysis: Information, Relationship, Accessibility and Availability. Low patient satisfaction scores (on a 5-point Likert-type scale: 1 = poor to 5 = excellent) with most services were observed. Patients wanted more information about their medications, self-management and advice on healthy lifestyle (mean±SD = 2.49±1.19). They also requested more personal care, which was considered a measure of trust in the competence of the service provider (mean±SD = 3.05±1.07). Patients were also dissatisfied with the physical characteristics of the pharmacy such as waiting and private areas (mean±SD = 2.80±1.33). Patients would be likely (on a 3-point Likert-type scale: 1 = unlikely to 3 = very likely) to use a wide range of services if provided in the future. This study has, for the first time, provided pivotal information on areas needing improvement from the perspective of patients, and on what could possibly lead to better patient satisfaction and utilisation of the services provided through community pharmacy in the UAE. Phase three utilised a qualitative approach involving 27 one-to-one semi-structured interviews and five focus group discussions among physicians to explore their opinions on pharmacists' roles in providing primary care services in the community and on collaborating with pharmacists. Emerging themes included: Competency, Business orientation, Territorial control and Service delivery/patient care. There was support for roles that related to the provision of information on medications and their use. Benefits of collaborative care were recognised. Facilitators of success were identified as clear role definition, efficient communication and trust building. Barriers to success included lack of acceptance by both physicians and patients, pharmacists' competence, and administrative factors. This was the first study to provide valuable insight into pharmacist-physician relationships in the UAE and into what promotes collaboration between them. In working towards improving community pharmacy practice in the UAE, this research is unique in that it has considered the views of the key stakeholders: pharmacists, patients and physicians. This thesis has identified shortcomings in the provision of community pharmacy services which could have negatively affected patient satisfaction and physicians' perspectives of pharmacists' roles. Significantly, this thesis has generated crucial recommendations to guide decision making by stakeholders such as policy makers, government authorities and pharmacists with respect to the planning, design and offering of interventional programs that will lead to improvement of community pharmacy practice in the UAE.

At fi rst blush, the two concepts, democratisation and standardisation, seem to be in confl ict if the objectives underlying the processes they describe are compared, in particular if they are applied to the fi eld of language planning and politics, and especially within the context of the colonial history of Africa and further afi eld. It is in the nature of standardisation not to tolerate much variety, even in the language to be standardised (especially in the formal registers). The functional requirements of stylistic, sociolectal or geolectal variants in a language community, on the other hand, refl ect a wide spectrum of varieties in a given language. Underlying the need for standardisation is the requirement for communication in the form of a unitary code (i.e. a language) which is understood and used by as many members of the community as possible, necessarily and usually in formal contexts. However, a standardised language, like all others, also has need of neutral and informal registers for which the appropriate vocabulary should be available. Such vocabulary originates in everyday speech, while "formal" terminology aimed at the higher functions of language is often compiled by bodies such as language commissions. The standardisation of language is often the result of a political process, which is a corollary of conquest, colonialism, or (sometimes) democratic change. A standard language, once established, normally possesses a self-perpetuating force – those who have acquired it, do not easily relinquish the concomitant social and political power associated with it. This applies in particular to non-mother-tongue speakers of the standard language, who benefi t from the social status and increased access to knowledge associated with it. The result is, predictably, discrimination on the basis of profi ciency in the standard, and societal imbalances. Arguments in defence of the selection of a non-indigenous standard are the purportedly equal distribution of disadvantage, as well as the possible unifying force of such a medium. To understand the task facing those who wish to standardise an indigenous language, the four phases traditionally identifi ed by Haugen could be recalled, i.e. selection (macro and micro), codifi cation, acceptance and cultivation (elaboration of functions). This is possibly another reason why already established colonial languages seemed to be an attractive choice at the outset when considering the adoption of an indigenous language for the purposes of standardisation. However, when the intellectual and economic benefi ts of linguistic democracy are considered, the investment in the enhancement of access to knowledge for entire language communities is well spent. The advantages for the development of human capital in the short and long term for such communities have been proven in countless scientifi c studies. A common disincentive is the purported "unsuitability" of indigenous languages for use in technical and scientifi c contexts. However, similar techniques for the creation of terminology are applied by all languages where elaboration of functions takes place, i.e. relexifi cation, use of international cognates, conceptual translation (calquing), the use of informal vocabulary in specialised applications, neologisms, etcetera. Examples of attempts at standardisation or restandardisation of nonstandard varieties, such as in Norway and Albania can be adduced. In Norway, Nynorsk was created to replace Bokmål, but there was a clear differentiation by the speakers between spoken and written requirements, so that the written language gravitated to Bokmål, and the spoken language to Nynorsk. In Albania, where Standard Albanian was based on Tosc, attempts were made at incorporating elements of North Albanian (Gegh) into the standard for reasons of "justice". However, it foundered as a result of resistance from intellectuals on the basis that "justice" in standardisation was "impossible". Some lessons from Norway, and also the Magreb (which is subsequently discussed), are that varieties in both Norwegian and Arabic are closely linked to rules of contextuality and register; and that, although there is a greater need for uniformity as regards the form of written standard, the written form of informally used items needs to be standardised as well, albeit in a different way. Finally, the use of the internet as agent for both standardisation and democratisation is briefl y investigated. It is apparent that informal standardisation (through codifi cation) is taking place through the production of increased volumes of texts by common users. The production of electronic texts leads to the compilation of corpora, and standardisation of the lexicon takes place on the basis of frequency counts and the use of concordances by NGO's. Some examples of such standardisation (offi cial and unoffi cial) in Africa are provided. The conclusions drawn from the overview are that: (a) Democratisation and standardisation do not have to represent confl icting objectives for indigenous languages in Africa; (b) Users of language determine the form that is standardised in the end; and (c) Speakers of African languages have the ability to determine not only which language(s) they prefer to use for which purpose, but also the form of such languages.

Two books have been published to date in the book series – the Persian Mirrors for Princes Written in the Saljuq Period: Originals and Fabrications. They are: Amir Mu'izzi Nishapuri. The Siyasat-nama/Siyar al-muluk: A Fabrication Ascribed to Nizam al-Mulk (2020) and The Writings of Imam al-Ghazali (2017). Altogether, these books examine seven medieval texts: the Siyasat-nama/Siyar al-muluk, the Zad-i Akhirat, the Nasihat al-muluk, pt. 1, the Faza'il al-anam min rasa'il Hujjat al-Islam, the Ei Farzand/Ayyuha al-walad, the Pand-nama, and the Nasihat al-muluk, pt. 2. Four of the seven texts belong to the category of deliberate fabrications or the texts with false attribution, compiled with quite specific goals and for specific target audience.1. The results of the historical, codicological, and textual analysis reveal that the Siyasat-nama/Siyar al-muluk (The Book of Government/The Vitae of Rulers) was compiled by Muhammad Mu'izzi Nishapuri, the Head of poets department under the Saljuqid ruler Malik-shah. Subsequently, he ascribed it to the murdered Nizam al-Mulk in order to be appointed to a position at the Saljuqid court.2. The last three texts published in the second book and ascribed to al-Ghazali are forgeries as well. The most famous of them is the Ayyuha al-walad (O Child). This text was initially written in Persian under the title Ei farzand, however, one or two generations after the death of Muhammad al-Ghazali. For its compilation were used: two genuine letters letters by Muhammad al-Ghazali; the 'Ayniyya – letter by his brother Ahmad al-Ghazali to his famous disciple 'Ayn al-Qudat al-Hamadani; and the text taken from 'Ayn al-Qudat's own letter. Later, the compiled text was translated into Arabic and began to circulate under the title Ayyuha al-walad.3. The third book is going to comprise two authentic texts: the Qabus-nama (The Book of Qabus) by Kay Kawus b. Iskandar b. Qabus and the Chahar maqala/Majma' al-nawadir (Four Discourses/Miscellany of Rarities) by Nizami 'Aruzi Samarqandi. If possible, the Fustat al-'Adala fi-Qawa'id al-Saltana (A Tent of Justice In the Rules of Sultanate) compiled by Muhammad al-Khatib in 683 AH/1284-5 AD will be also included in this book. For the publication will be used the unique manuscript preserved in the National Library of France (BnF, Suppl. Turc 1120).The article offers a review of the texts included in the series and deals with the problem of literary forgeries and fakes in medieval Islamic literature, their types as well as the ways of their identification. ; На сегодняшний день в книжной серии «Назидательная литература эпохи Салджукидов на персидском языке: Оригиналы и подделки» опубликованы две книги: Амир Му'иззи Нишапури. Сийасат-нама/Сийар ал-мулук («Книга о правлении» / «Жития владык») – в 2020 г.; Сочинения имама ал-Газали – в 2017 г. Всего в обеих книгах представлено семь средневековых текстов: Сийасат-нама / Сийар ал-мулук; Зад-и ахират («Путевой припас для грядущей жизни»); Насихат ал-мулук («Совет владыкам»), ч. 1; Фаза'ил ал-анам мин раса'ил Худжжат ал-ислам («Достоинства людей из посланий Довода ислама»); Эй, фарзанд / Аййуха ал-валад («О, дитя»); Панд-нама («Письмо с советами») и Насихат ал-мулук, ч. 2. Четыре из семи перечисленных текстов относятся к категории преднамеренных подделок или текстов с ложной атрибуцией, скомпилированных с вполне определёнными целями и для конкретной целевой аудитории.1. Сийасат-нама / Сийар ал-мулук («Книга о правлении» / «Жития владык») – этот текст, как показывают результаты исторического, кодикологического и текстологического анализов, был скомпилирован Мухаммадом Му'иззи Нишапури, главой департамента поэтов при салджукидском правителе Маликшахе, а затем приписан им перу убитого Низам ал-мулка с единственной целью – получить должность при Дворе нового верховного правителя Салджукидов.2. Три текста, завершающие вторую книгу серии и приписанные Мухаммаду ал-Газали, также представляют собой подделки, самая известная из которых Аййуха ал-валад («О, дитя»). Этот текст изначально был скомпилирован по-персидски под названием Эй, фарзанд одно-два поколения спустя после смерти имама ал-Газали из: двух подлинных писем Мухаммада ал-Газали; 'Айнийа («Адресованное 'Айну») – письма его младшего брата Ахмада ал-Газали своему знаменитому ученику 'Айн ал-Кудату ал-Хамадани; и из собственного письма 'Айн ал-Кудата. Позднее созданная подделка была переведена на арабский язык, став популярной под заглавием Аййуха ал-валад.3. В третью книгу планируется включить два подлинных текста: Кабус-нама («Книга Кабуса») Кай Кавуса б. Искандара б. Кабуса и Чахар макала / Маджма' ал-навадир («Четыре беседы» / «Собрание редкостей») Низами 'Арузи Самарканди. Если позволит объём книги, то в неё может быть включён текстФустат ал-'адала фи-л-кава'ид ал-салтана («Шатёр справедливости в правилах султаната»), скомпилированный Мухаммадом ал-Хатибом в 683/1284-5 г. Уникальная рукопись этого текста хранится в Национальной библиотеке Франции (BnF, Suppl. Turc 1120).В статье даётся обзор всех текстов, включённых в серию, затрагивается проблема существования подделок в исламской средневековой литературе, их категории и способы идентификации.

Historical maps, like other thematic maps, have their specifics that need to be taken into account when preparing them. A historical map is compiled by a cartographer and a historian. These are professionals with different education (humanistic and technical) and different approaches to work. This results in different authors' trains of thoughts, which may be a source of mistakes in upcoming historical maps. Hidden errors that none of the experts thinks about because they do not know about them or because they seem to be irrelevant in their point of view, are especially serious. The objective of the article is to present the most common unknown unknowns in the preparation of historical maps which the authors acquired during the design of the Academic Atlas of Czech History, the Czech Historical Atlas and other historical maps. Incorrectly portrayed historical boundaries is the first type of error. If the main topic of a map are historical boundaries in particular, i.e. a political or administrative map is designed, the historian specializing in political affairs usually prepares the documents for the cartographer with great care. But if the historian asks for displaying historical boundaries only as support information for the map readers (e.g. for a migration map), they only specify a general requirement (e.g. borders up to 1938). Sometimes, they also provide a background map with these boundaries, which, however, is often in a too small scale. The cartographer, who is inexperienced in the creation of historical maps, then adopts the underlying map uncritically without asking or searching for more detailed sources (larger scale maps, text description of the boundaries) on their own. Also, the cartographer usually does not have deep knowledge of historical development. Then, the cartographer might miss some territorial change, which leads to omissions in the map. Alternatively, a certain part of the border is depicted to a wrong date. The historian does not alert the cartographer to the error because they consider (from their point of view) this small border deviation to be within the limit of the map language. Or, they have no idea what can be considered generalization for the given map scale and what goes beyond that. For historians, in general, the map is rather an illustration complementing their relevant text. The historian also often does not distinguish maps according to their positional accuracy (i.e. it is generally true that a map with a topographic background, harmonized with thematic elements, is more reliable than a map in the form of "colour spots") and it is sufficient for them if a phenomenon or a territory is described in the legend or in the text accompanying the map (written view). Therefore, the cartographer must notify the historian of inappropriate background sources and ask for better quality ones. The historian often demands in good faith that the upcoming map will capture several historical boundaries of different years. However, the cartographer must verify each partial state, harmonize it with other boundaries and water features and solve different levels of generalization of the data sources. As the number of boundaries increases, the map key is becoming more complicated (issues of colour and map sign structure resolution, border line overlaps). This leads to a substantial increase in the time needed for the preparation of the map. In addition, more information (boundaries) degrades the readability of the map and the map user may not be able to understand it correctly despite the hard work on the cartographer's part. In these cases, it is advisable to explain patiently the principle that less is more or, if there is no other way, divide a complex subject into multiple maps. The way how to write names of sites and locations (settlements) can also be an unknown unknown for both parties. There are usually no problems with current names of settlements based on the Latin script. More difficult, but manageable, is to agree on a system of romanization of non-Latin-script names (e.g. Arabic to Czech). A problem arises in historical maps. The historian and the cartographer should, after mutual discussion, find out whether they will use current names, historical names or common exonyms. Should historical names be used, it is necessary to determine what system of romanization will be used – whether from the official language for a given place and epoch or otherwise. In the case of the preparation of an atlas, it is necessary to enforce that the proposed system will be used by all authors to ensure the uniformity of the work. The cartographer must also consider the technical limitations of computer fonts, which rarely contain all required glyphs for proper romanization. The examples of unknown unknowns in historical maps preparation show that the ideal state would be if the mapmaker graduated from both cartography and the appropriate discipline of history or historical geography. However, in Czechia, there is insufficient demand for historical maps so that such an expert could hardly make a living off making historical maps only. Thus, cooperation of historians and cartographers is crucial. Communication, mutual learning, high-quality sources for maps and the willingness to discuss the upcoming map with other experts are the key prerequisites to success in eliminating errors. Enough time to prepare maps is another essential precondition.

Historical maps, like other thematic maps, have their specifics that need to be taken into account when preparing them. A historical map is compiled by a cartographer and a historian. These are professionals with different education (humanistic and technical) and different approaches to work. This results in different authors' trains of thoughts, which may be a source of mistakes in upcoming historical maps. Hidden errors that none of the experts thinks about because they do not know about them or because they seem to be irrelevant in their point of view, are especially serious. The objective of the article is to present the most common unknown unknowns in the preparation of historical maps which the authors acquired during the design of the Academic Atlas of Czech History, the Czech Historical Atlas and other historical maps. Incorrectly portrayed historical boundaries is the first type of error. If the main topic of a map are historical boundaries in particular, i.e. a political or administrative map is designed, the historian specializing in political affairs usually prepares the documents for the cartographer with great care. But if the historian asks for displaying historical boundaries only as support information for the map readers (e.g. for a migration map), they only specify a general requirement (e.g. borders up to 1938). Sometimes, they also provide a background map with these boundaries, which, however, is often in a too small scale. The cartographer, who is inexperienced in the creation of historical maps, then adopts the underlying map uncritically without asking or searching for more detailed sources (larger scale maps, text description of the boundaries) on their own. Also, the cartographer usually does not have deep knowledge of historical development. Then, the cartographer might miss some territorial change, which leads to omissions in the map. Alternatively, a certain part of the border is depicted to a wrong date. The historian does not alert the cartographer to the error because they consider (from their point of view) this small border deviation to be within the limit of the map language. Or, they have no idea what can be considered generalization for the given map scale and what goes beyond that. For historians, in general, the map is rather an illustration complementing their relevant text. The historian also often does not distinguish maps according to their positional accuracy (i.e. it is generally true that a map with a topographic background, harmonized with thematic elements, is more reliable than a map in the form of "colour spots") and it is sufficient for them if a phenomenon or a territory is described in the legend or in the text accompanying the map (written view). Therefore, the cartographer must notify the historian of inappropriate background sources and ask for better quality ones. The historian often demands in good faith that the upcoming map will capture several historical boundaries of different years. However, the cartographer must verify each partial state, harmonize it with other boundaries and water features and solve different levels of generalization of the data sources. As the number of boundaries increases, the map key is becoming more complicated (issues of colour and map sign structure resolution, border line overlaps). This leads to a substantial increase in the time needed for the preparation of the map. In addition, more information (boundaries) degrades the readability of the map and the map user may not be able to understand it correctly despite the hard work on the cartographer's part. In these cases, it is advisable to explain patiently the principle that less is more or, if there is no other way, divide a complex subject into multiple maps. The way how to write names of sites and locations (settlements) can also be an unknown unknown for both parties. There are usually no problems with current names of settlements based on the Latin script. More difficult, but manageable, is to agree on a system of romanization of non-Latin-script names (e.g. Arabic to Czech). A problem arises in historical maps. The historian and the cartographer should, after mutual discussion, find out whether they will use current names, historical names or common exonyms. Should historical names be used, it is necessary to determine what system of romanization will be used – whether from the official language for a given place and epoch or otherwise. In the case of the preparation of an atlas, it is necessary to enforce that the proposed system will be used by all authors to ensure the uniformity of the work. The cartographer must also consider the technical limitations of computer fonts, which rarely contain all required glyphs for proper romanization. The examples of unknown unknowns in historical maps preparation show that the ideal state would be if the mapmaker graduated from both cartography and the appropriate discipline of history or historical geography. However, in Czechia, there is insufficient demand for historical maps so that such an expert could hardly make a living off making historical maps only. Thus, cooperation of historians and cartographers is crucial. Communication, mutual learning, high-quality sources for maps and the willingness to discuss the upcoming map with other experts are the key prerequisites to success in eliminating errors. Enough time to prepare maps is another essential precondition.

Рассмотрен боек уникального боевого топора (№ 3788), хранящийся в фондах Омского государственного историко-краеведческого музея (далее ОГИКМ). Ранее данный экземпляр ударно-рубящего оружия не становился объектом специального научного исследования. Типологический анализ позволил атрибутировать рассматриваемый образец как секиру и соотнести с комплексом вооружения тюркских кочевников Центральной Азии Нового времени. Рост популярности секир среди номадов региона (начиная со второй половины XVIII в.) был обусловлен постепенным вытеснением из широкого военного обихода металлического защитного вооружения. Рубяще-режущий удар секиры не только дробил кости, но и разрезал кожный покров, оставляя длинные раны, приводившие к обильной кровопотере. Секиры с изогнутым С-образным лезвием (казахск. «айбалта», т. е. «лунный топор») были исключительно опасны для бездоспешных воинов противника, что и стало важнейшим фактором распространения данной разновидности ударно-рубящего оружия среди казахов, киргизов, узбеков и туркмен второй половины XVIII XIX в. Отличительными особенностями рассматриваемой секиры является П-образный в сечении оттянутый вниз обух и широкий трапециевидный клинок с месяцевидным лезвием, концы которого отогнуты в стороны топорища. Проух бойка заклепан сверху специальной железной пластиной, снабженной двумя сквозными отверстиями, в которые вбивались гвозди, соединявшие боек и топорище. Клинок секиры украшен гравированными серебряными накладками, а «щечки» насада серебряной насечкой. Сотрудники ОГИКМ датировали секиру концом XVIII началом XIX в. Анализ конструкции, системы оформления, а также надписи на поверхности бойка позволили нам уточнить время его изготовления. Серебряная насечка была выполнена в 1876 г. Время изготовления самой секиры можно локализовать серединой 70-х гг. XIX в. Особенности конструкции и системы оформления секиры указывают на то, что она была выкована казахскими оружейниками. Наличие точной датировки позволяет считать рассматриваемый экземпляр ударно-рубящего оружия, в качестве эталонного образца при датировке и атрибуции секир кочевников региона. ; The article deals with the battle ax striker (№ 3788) stored in the collection of Omsk State History Museum (OSHM). Purpose. We provide a scientific description of the battle ax (pole-axe) from YUKOIKM describing its design system, as well as identifying dates and the type of the weapon. Results. The most prominent structural element of the battle ax striker is a massive blade 13,3 cm long with a C-shaped blade, the ends of which are bent towards the ax, with the blade 13,5 cm wide. The lower end of the blade is cut at the right angle. The blade gradually narrows to the neck of the convex (2,7 cm wide) and merges into a fitting with a flat down-drawn butt (2,9 cm wide) and «cheeks» of a roughly A-line form. The lower part of the butt is forged as a U-shaped (in cross-section) metal band, which ensured fastening between the striker and the ax handle and protected the handle from enemy weapon chops. The lower end of the band was found broken with the preserved part 3,5 cm long. A roughly triangular-shaped band was riveted on the upper side of the special iron plate with two through holes and served for attaching the striker to the wooden ax handle with nails. Of considerable interest is the ax decoration. Most of the blade (except for a band along the blade) is covered with a thin silver plate decorated with engraved floral and geometric designs. The cervix of the striker is not ornamented, but the «cheeks» are covered with a pattern made in the technique of silver metal notches. It is done as a cartouche in the form of a saw-back belt with an inscription in Arabic in the center. The inscription on the right-hand side of the striker is preserved fragmentarily, while on the left-hand side of the axe it is quite clear. The typological analysis has allowed us to identify this sample as an ax and to refer it to the complex weapons of Turkic nomads of Central Asia typical for the Modern period. Axes enjoyed rise in popularity among the nomads of the region after the second half of the XVIII century due to gradual displacement of metal protective arms in military practices. Cut-and-cutting blows of such an ax not only crushed bones, but also cut the skin leaving long deep traces, which lead to vast blood loss. Axes with curved C-shaped blades, which the Kazakhs named «Aybalta», i.e. a «moon ax», were extremely dangerous for armourless enemy soldiers, this being the most important factor in the spread of such a type of shock slashing weapons among the Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks and Turkmens in the second half of the XVIII-XIX century. Employees of the Museum dated the ax by late XVIII early XIX century. Our analysis of the ax structure, its system design and the inscriptions on the striker surface has allowed us to specify the time of its manufacturing more accurately. With the silver incision done in 1876, the time of the ax manufacturing can be dated as the mid 70-s of the XIX century. The design features of the axe indicate that it was forged by Kazakh armourers. Conclusion. The axe stored in OSHM is a bright example of Kazakh battle axes with C-shaped blades used in the middle and second half of the XIX century. It can act as a reference model for dating and defining the type of shock slashing weapons of Kazakh nomads in the given historical period.