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Abstract Accepting the view that beliefs about the market determine the policies and institutions of economic freedom, this paper considers the cross-country consequences of the fact that these beliefs are not one-dimensional and they may be inconsistently distributed over these dimensions. The paper asks the question of whether cross-country differences in the consistency of market beliefs help explain the cross-country differences in areas of economic freedom, especially the contrasting cross-country pattern of the size of government and the legal system and property rights area. It shows that under some plausible conditions in a probabilistic voting framework, a higher consistency leads to higher economic freedom in some areas and lower economic freedom in other areas. Therefore, the concept of the consistency of market beliefs helps us understand why countries with higher economic freedom score for legal system and property rights usually have a lower economic freedom score for the size of government. Using Cronbach's (coefficient) alpha of four different market beliefs as a measure of consistency in cross-country regressions, the paper finds that consistency is an explanatory factor of the two economic freedom areas.

John Dewey's pragmatic philosophy merits consideration from an administrative point of view. Within this philosophy is a compelling organization theory. The theory is based on the argument that modern organizations are essential for the regulation of technology and the reform of traditional liberal culture. Dewey believed that a pragmatic organizational culture could promote and protect freedom better than the 19th-century community based on individualistic values. Postmodernists have failed to fully confront Dewey's argument for organizational authority. He relied on the organization to regulate technology, to insure modernism's longevity, and to recast liberal culture's traditional values.

A ZLRev article on freedoms of assembly and association in Sub Saharan Africa vis-a-vis international comparisons. ; The freedoms of assembly and of association, while closely linked and generally serving similar ends in a democracy, are nevertheless different and distinct. However, they are so sufficiently connected1 that it is instructive for general comments about them to be made together. At the centre of the two freedoms is the recognition of the idea that there are certain legitimate goals which the individual can only best attain by working with others and accordingly that these freedoms must be protected for the attainment of those goals. It is this central idea which shapes the nature and scope of these freedoms.

Introduction to the Colombian constitution of 1991 and the Constitutional Court -- The role of the Constitutional Court -- Dignity and autonomy -- Equality -- Freedom of speech and freedom of religion -- Social rights -- The rights of victims and transitional justice -- The rights of indigenous peoples -- The president : problems of executive overreach -- The congress: problems of abdication and deliberation -- Constitutional amendment and the substitution of the constitution doctrine

HEGEL'S philosophy of freedom and Comte's philosophy of progress have one trait in common, in spite of the basic differences in their starting points. Although Hegel's panlogistic dialectics and Comte's sociological scientism present various levels and antagonistic tendencies of philosophical thought, they share the same indifference concerning the philosophical and structural problems of human existence. While Kant was aware that the basic questions of philosophy referred to the fundamental elements of human life, these new synthetical systems of the historicity of the race did not care about the character and the nature of the human being. They helped to bring to the fore that tendency in thought which was described as the autonomous movement of a universal principle of determination, spiritual or naturalistic, in the process and as the meaning of history. In these philosophical and sociological systems man is only the tool and the actor (the Roman persona in the literal sense) in the self-realization of a universal principle, inherent in the process of society. Thus, human action and attitudes are predetermined by the principles that represent die pseudo-religious meaning of the historical development. So far as this is true, human personality, as centered around the actuality of freedom, spontaneity, responsibility, no longer exists. The hybris of Hegel and Comte to make die dynamic institutions "concrete universals" and to suppress the concreteness of individuals is one symptom of the human situation in the modern world. Slowly developing since the sixteenth century, this situation is completely realized in these philosophical systems that proclaim the immanence of life, the reality of a universal principle of determination and the weakness and frailty of the human personality. This trend of thinking got supremacy in philosophical and scientific modes of investigation, in particular in the powerful stratification of positivist and of empiricist methods in the social sciences. The discovery of Historicism and of Sociologism is the logical result of this basic position. It expresses correctly the stage of consciousness in which man realizes the demonry of the world of institutions which, although his very own achievement, is becoming emancipated from man and developing autonomously like the forces of nature.

"The shift from government to governance has become a starting point for many studies of contemporary policy-making and democracy. Practices of Freedom takes a different approach, calling into question this dominant narrative and taking the variety, hybridity and dispersion of social and political practices as its focus of analysis. Bringing together leading scholars in democratic theory and critical policy studies, it draws upon new understandings of radical democracy, practice and interpretative analysis to emphasise the productive role of actors and political conflict in the formation and reproduction of contemporary forms of democratic governance. Integrating theoretical dialogues with detailed empirical studies, this book examines spaces for democratisation, institutional design, democratic criteria and learning, whilst mobilising the frameworks of agonistic and aversive democracy, informality and decentred legitimacy in cases from youth engagement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict"--

This book offers a new approach to the extraordinary story of Timor-Leste. The Indonesian invasion of the former Portuguese colony in 1975 was widely considered to have permanently crushed the Timorese independence movement. Initial international condemnation of the invasion was quickly replaced by widespread acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty. But inside Timor-Leste various resistance networks maintained their struggle, against all odds. Twenty-four years later, the Timorese were allowed to choose their political future and the new country of Timor-Leste came into being in 2002. This book presents freedom in Timor-Leste as an accomplishment of networked governance, arguing that weak networks are capable of controlling strong tyrannies. Yet, as events in Timor-Leste since independence show, the nodes of networks of freedom can themselves become nodes of tyranny. The authors argue that constant renewal of liberation networks is critical for peace with justice – feminist networks for the liberation of women, preventive diplomacy networks for liberation of victims of war, village development networks, civil society networks. Constant renewal of the separation of powers is also necessary. A case is made for a different way of seeing the separation of powers as constitutive of the republican ideal of freedom as non-domination. The book is also a critique of realism as a theory of international affairs and of the limits of reforming tyranny through the centralised agency of a state sovereign. Reversal of Indonesia's 1975 invasion of Timor-Leste was an implausible accomplishment. Among the things that achieved it was principled engagement with Indonesia and its democracy movement by the Timor resistance. Unprincipled engagement by Australia and the United States in particular allowed the 1975 invasion to occur. The book argues that when the international community regulates tyranny responsively, with principled engagement, there is hope for a domestic politics of nonviolent transformation for freedom and justice.

More equal economic, social and political rights for women have long been part of civil and political right movements. It is widely believed that women's rights are important for greater economic prosperity, good governance and social equality. However, women are still being discriminated in many parts of the world. How women's rights can be protected? To answer this question, the literature has highlighted the importance of free media in promoting women's rights. The extant literature on media and women rights, however, is largely limited to descriptive analysis and theoretical arguments. Moreover, the available evidence is confined to few case studies and anecdotal stories, which cannot be generalized globally. This study contributes in the literature by empirically investigating the relationship of press freedom with women empowerment using a large panel of 160 countries from 1996 to 2011. For empirical analysis, the ordered logit method is used. The empirical finding confirms that press freedom is an effective tool to empower women's economic, political and social rights. Findings of the study are shown to be robust to different specifications, sub-samples, regional controls and different forms of women empowerment.
JEL Classifications Codes: C23, J16, Z10

More equal economic, social and political rights for women have long been part of civil and political right movements. It is widely believed that women's rights are important for greater economic prosperity, good governance and social equality. However, women are still being discriminated in many parts of the world. How women's rights can be protected? To answer this question, the literature has highlighted the importance of free media in promoting women's rights. The extant literature on media and women rights, however, is largely limited to descriptive analysis and theoretical arguments. Moreover, the available evidence is confined to few case studies and anecdotal stories, which cannot be generalized globally. This study contributes in the literature by empirically investigating the relationship of press freedom with women empowerment using a large panel of 160 countries from 1996 to 2011. For empirical analysis, the ordered logit method is used. The empirical finding confirms that press freedom is an effective tool to empower women's economic, political and social rights. Findings of the study are shown to be robust to different specifications, sub-samples, regional controls and different forms of women empowerment. JEL Classifications Codes: C23, J16, Z10

The article considers some religious ideas of Thomas Jefferson in connection with his social and political activities which also include the struggle for the freedom of religion in Virginia. = Рассматриваются религиозные представления Томаса Джефферсона в связи с его общественно-политической деятельностью, включавшей также борьбу за установление свободы вероисповедания в Виргинии.

On March 20, 1980, a small group of would-be Cuban exiles attempted to force a bus through the gates of the Peruvian embassy in Havana. In the process, they killed one Cuban military guard on duty and apparently touched off a chain of events that resulted in the "Freedom Flotilla"—the dramatic emigration of 125,266 Cubans (Bowen, 1980:9). This exodus, one of the most controversial episodes in recent U.S.-Cuban relations, also sparked a national and international ideological debate over its significance. Central to the ideological struggle and the theme of this article are the legitimacy problems facing the Cuban state.

What distinguishes humans from nonhumans? Two common answers—free will and religion—are in some ways fundamentally opposed. Whereas free will enjoys a central place in our ideas of spontaneity, authorship, and deliberation, religious practices seem to involve a suspension of or relief from the exercise of our will. What, then, is agency, and why has it occupied such a central place in theories of the human? Automatic Religion explores an unlikely series of episodes from the end of the nineteenth century, when crucial ideas related to automatism and, in a different realm, the study of religion were both being born. Paul Christopher Johnson draws on years of archival and ethnographic research in Brazil and France to explore the crucial boundaries being drawn at the time between humans, "nearhumans," and automata. As agency came to take on a more central place in the philosophical, moral, and legal traditions of the West, certain classes of people were excluded as less-than-human. Tracking the circulation of ideas across the Atlantic, Johnson tests those boundaries, revealing how they were constructed on largely gendered and racial foundations. In the process, he reanimates one of the most mysterious and yet foundational questions in trans-Atlantic thought: what is agency?