Suchergebnisse

This article theorizes about the implications for domestic climate politics of three distinct roles countries play in the global carbon supply chain: fossil fuel producer, manufacturer of carbon-intensive goods, and final consumer. Because international responsibility is assigned to territorial emissions, countries at either end of the global supply chain effectively evade environmental responsibility by shifting fossil fuel combustion to manufacturing countries. In so doing, they lessen the political challenges of reducing domestic emissions. Although exporters of carbon-intensive goods are reluctant to disadvantage local producers, importers can craft policies that both reduce territorial emissions and create local jobs. Ironically, fossil fuel exporters can emerge as leaders in reducing their own territorial emissions, a finding illustrated by case studies of British Columbia and Norway. The conclusion argues that shifting responsibility for carbon emissions to the point of either final consumption or fossil fuel extraction could facilitate an international climate agreement.

This article argues that the artificiality of Hobbesian states facilitates their coexistence and eventual reconciliation. In particular, it is suggested that international relations may be characterised by an artificial equality, which has a contrary effect to the natural equality of human beings. Unlike individuals in Hobbes's account of the state of nature, sovereigns are not compelled to wage war out of fear and distrust, but have prudential reasons to exercise self-restraint. Ultimately rulers serve as disposable figureheads who can be replaced by a foreign invader. Thus, this article highlights the implications of Hobbes's views on sovereignty by acquisition, which allow for states to be decomposed and reassembled in order to re-establish lasting peace. It is concluded that these findings help to explain why Hobbes does not provide something akin to modern theories of international relations, as foreign affairs appear to be reducible to a matter of either prudence or political philosophy.

National governments dislike food price volatility to varying extents. When some of them use trade measures to insulate their domestic market from international food price fluctuations, that volatility is amplified. This in turn prompts more countries to follow suit. However, when both food-exporting and food-importing countries so respond, each group becomes less capable of preventing domestic price volatility. This paper examines empirically the extent of insulation in both groups of countries, and also in high-income versus developing countries. It also provides an estimate of the contribution of such government actions to international food price spikes. A multilateral agreement to limit such government responses would reduce the need for all countries to so intervene, and allow more-efficient generic social protection policies to deal with the most vulnerable cases. ; The author is grateful for financial support from the Australian Research Council, the World Bank, and Australia's Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation.

National governments dislike food price volatility to varying extents. When some of them use trade measures to insulate their domestic market from international food price fluctuations, that volatility is amplified. This in turn prompts more countries to follow suit. However, when both food-exporting and food-importing countries so respond, each group becomes less capable of preventing domestic price volatility. This paper examines empirically the extent of insulation in both groups of countries, and also in high-income versus developing countries. It also provides an estimate of the contribution of such government actions to international food price spikes. A multilateral agreement to limit such government responses would reduce the need for all countries to so intervene, and allow more-efficient generic social protection policies to deal with the most vulnerable cases. ; The author is grateful for financial support from the Australian Research Council, the World Bank, and Australia's Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation.

General interstate warfare, that characterized so many twentieth century conflicts is increasingly becoming obsolete, except for some rare cases. Indeed, the nature of warfare has greatly shifted into something new, and perhaps into something even more dangerous for international security with the development and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), the emergence of extremist groups, the access and use of WMD by terrorists, and the small deterrent effect of current military establishments towards these groups. The new warfare that has emerged is perhaps the most difficult type to respond to given its secrecy, its non‐territorial base, its "nihilist" characteristic, and the extraordinary dedication of its adherents to achieve their goals. New security requirements are urgently needed at this point and the essence of the response to this new warfare today lies in international cooperation, since the new opponents to the current world order are building a global organized presence.

Es galt lange Zeit als unbestritten, daß Entwicklungsländer ihre beschäftigungs-, wachstums- und zahlungsbilanzpolitischen Probleme am ehesten lösen könnten, wenn die Industrialisierung auf dem Wege der Importsubstiution betrieben wird. Der meist nur geringe Erfolg hat diese Strategie inzwischen jedoch in einem Maße diskreditiert, daß zur Erfüllung entwicklungspolitischer Ziele jetzt vielfach nur eine von Anfang an exportorientierte Industrialisierung geeignet erscheint. Ob dieser radikale Meinungswandel den in Entwicklungsländern vorherrschenden strukturellen Bedingungen Rechnung trägt, ist eine offene Frage. Erfahrungen über die relative Überlegenheit einer von Anfang an exportorientierten Industrialisierungsstrategie, die sich generalisieren lassen, liegen bislang nicht vor. Bei Importsubstitution entzieht sich das Entwicklungsland der durch komparative Kostenvorteile determinierten internationalen Arbeitsteilung. Diese Abkehr braucht jedoch nicht zwingend von Dauer zu sein, wie die Erfahrungen Südkoreas und — mit einigen Einschränkungen — Mexikos lehren. Nur bei einer vordergründig zahlungsbilanzmotivierten Importsubstitution läuft das Land Gefahr, die Chancen für den "spill-over" zu verspielen. Chile ist in dieser Hinsicht ein instruktives Beispiel. Importsubstitution und Exportdiversifizierung sind — von ganz wenigen spezifischen Ausnahmen abgesehen — keine alternativen Industrialisierungsstrategien. Vielmehr spricht vieles für die Vermutung, daß es wenig Sinn hat, eine exportorientierte Industrialisierung zu empfehlen, wenn das Land nicht zuvor eine Phase der Importsubstitution durchlaufen hat. Worauf es ankommt ist, bei der Importsubstitution die gegebenen und mittelfristig erzielbaren komparativen Kostenvorteile im Auge zu behalten und den rechtzeitigen Übergang zur Exportdiversifizierung nicht zu verpassen. Die Einschaltung in die internationale Arbeitsteilung mittels des "spill-over" erscheint entwicklungspolitisch geboten, weil Exportindustrien arbeitsintensiver produzieren müssen, als es Importsubstitutionsindustrien können, und weil sich das bisherige Wachstumstempo eher aufrechterhalten läßt, als es bei einer Fortsetzung der Importsubstitution der Fall wäre.

There are 2 ways in which sociology can be useful for the study of international relations: as a theory, & as a set of research concepts & methods. The potential uses of sociological theory are directly related to the fact that in the study of international relations states are treated as a basic units of observation & their behavior towards each other constitutes the central analytical variable. The field of international relations has expanded in the last 2 decades; the central concept around which the whole structure has come to revolve is the foreign policy of sovereign states. The following propositions are offered: (1) Foreign policy formulation & execution depend on domestic conditions, external constraints, the perceptions of policy makers, influential circles, & the public regarding the 1st 2 items, & the foreign policies of other nations. (2) Foreign policy execution results in changes in the foreign policy environment, domestic feedback of foreign policy, & modifications or strengthening of previous perceptions. It is particularly from the point of view of Marxist sociological theory (foreign policy is determined by domestic policy), that the importance of the sociological approach to the study of international relations can be fully grasped. There are 4 areas in which the Marxist hypothesis needs to be elaborated. (I) The need to define the extent to which domestic SE structure determines foreign policy, & identification of other factors which may restrict or modify its impact. (II) Attention should be paid to lasting features of national life, especially national character. (III) The microfactors of foreign policy formulation & execution must be considered in their relationship to macrofactors. (IV) Ideological & psychological conditions must be accounted for, both insofar as their relationship with the SE structure can be demonstrated & to the extent to which they can be considered as autonomous forces in international relations. Thus, sociological theories can contribute to the study of international relations both directly & indirectly. One aspect of contemporary sociological research--comparative cross-national research--has prepared the ground for comparative studies of the sociological aspects of international relations. A. Leon.

Examines criteria for more effective multilateral environmental agreements to emerge, including issues of collective gain, valuation, value differences, and who should pay.

In this study, the ex post assessment (EPA) of longer program engagement with Mauritania is discussed. From this program, macroeconomic stability has been achieved. EPAs are intended to provide an opportunity to step back from continuing program relations to consider an analysis of the economic problems facing the country, review progress under IMF-supported programs, and draw forward-looking lessons for future IMF engagement. The newly designed poverty reduction strategy and ECF-supported program addresses the challenges identified by the EPA