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This master thesis deals in general with the effects of liberal revolutions in France, Spain, and Portugal at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century, to explain the changes in political systems in the Iberian Peninsula. For this, the definitions of streams of thought, ideas and concepts according to their historicity are being considered, in order to understand the meaning ascribed to them at the time. For that reason, the first chapter is about the change from absolutism to liberalism. The two concepts and streams of thought are explained and compared and the theoretical part of the thesis is started with this. At the end of this part a small amount of information on constitutional monarchism is given with this special form of monarchy being the following system of government after the absolute monarchism. In this connection, the following chapter deals with the concept definitions at around 1780 – 1815 as to be named the concept of (nation) "state", the concept of "empire", and the concepts of "peace" and "war". In this stage, the historicity of each idea was analyzed, from the origin to the time of this study. In a third part of the thesis a case study is made showing the situation in and the political relations between France, Spain, and Portugal in these times. The first subchapter deals with France and the precursors of the French Revolution, the second one with the absolute monarchy of Spain, and the third describes the circumstances in Portugal. The fourth chapter of the thesis is the most important one as it is describing and analyzing the turning point, meaning the switch, to new governmental forms with the help of liberal revolutions. The reasons why it came to the French Revolution are covered in this part, too, with this event being the starting signal for a number of revolutions all over the continent. The questions of What changed?, How did it affect France?, How did it affect Spain?, and How did it affect Portugal? are answered and similarities and differences are shown at the end. In the conclusion, the remnants of the 'new' ideas that can still be found today are discussed and a parallel is drawn that even nowadays revolutions or even wars are taking place to change existing political systems as seen in the Arabic world, for example. To come to an end of the thesis, this is combined with a profound personal opinion on the topic in which the subjective opinion of the author is evaluating the processes in the three discussed countries. ; Esta dissertação tem por objeto a contextualização e análise dos efeitos das revoluções liberais na França, Espanha e Portugal, nos finais do século XVIII e inícios do século XIX, visando explicar as mudanças nos sistemas políticos da Península Ibérica. Para isso, consideramos muito importante apoiar o nosso estudo na definição preliminar dos conceitos base e das correntes de pensamento político de acordo com sua historicidade, com o fim de compreender o significado que lhes é atribuído no momento. Por essa razão, o primeiro capítulo é dedicado à distinção entre o regime do absolutismo e do liberalismo. Os dois conceitos e correntes de pensamento são explicados e comparados, sendo iniciada a tese com esta abordagem teórica. No final desta parte, são realçadas as principais caraterísticas da monarquia constitucional enquanto uma forma especial de monarquia que sucedeu ao sistema de governo da monarquia absoluta. Neste alinhamento, o capítulo seguinte debruça-se sobre definições conceituais relevantes, no período de 1780-1815, como o conceito de (nação) "Estado", de "império", e os conceitos de "paz" e de "guerra". Neste capótulo, foi realçada a historicidade de cada um destes conceitos, desde a origem até ao tempo do nosso estudo. No terceiro capítulo da tese é executado o estudo de caso mostrando a evolução das relações políticas entre França, Espanha e Portugal no período histórico definido. O primeiro subcapítulos é dedicado à França e aos antecedentes directos da Revolução Francesa, o segundo reporta-se à caraterização da monarquia absoluta em Espanha, e a terceira descreve as vicissitudes políticas de Portugal. O quarto capítulo da tese é o mais importante, sendo dedicado à descrição e análise do ponto de viragem, ou seja, a mudança e a rutura consumadas, com a emergência de novas formas de governo, por efeito das revoluções liberais. As principais razões pelas quais ocorreu esta mudança das estruturas políticas no período subsequente à Revolução Francesa são abordadas nesta parte, considerando que este evento foi o ponto de partida para uma série de revoluções em todo o continente europeu. Procuramos responder a algumas questões: O que mudou?, Como isso afetou a França? , Como isso afetou a Espanha? e Como isso afetou Portugal? As respostas às questões, bem como as semelhanças e as diferenças são apresentadas no final. Na conclusão, o remanescente das «novas» ideias revolucionárias que podem ainda hoje ser descortinadas são discutidas, considerando que num plano paralelo as revoluções dos nossos dias, ou mesmo guerras, ocorrem igualmente com o intuito de mudar os sistemas políticos existentes, como se tem observado mais recentemente no mundo árabe, por exemplo. No fecho deste estudo é apresentada uma opinião pessoal sustentada sobre o tema, na qual a opinião subjetiva do autor perspetiva uma avaliação dos processos políticos nos três países abordados.

The kanga is a piece of cotton fabric worn around the waist shoulders and head. It has been around for about 200 years. Originally, the kanga used to be worn only by women, along the East African coast in Kenya and Tanzania. However, Madagascar has a similar fabric, known as the lamba hoany or lamba wani. My research shows that as time has changed, men are now beginning to wear the kanga too. The origin of the name kanga is disputed. On the one hand, it is thought that the fabric is named after the spotted guinea fowl, symbolized by spots on the fabric. On the other hand, it is thought that it is just by coincidence that the fabric has to have spots and that it bears the same name as the guinea fowl in Swahili. The author observes that in 1980s in Mwembe Tayari market in Mombasa Kenya there was a stall specializing in selling only second-hand kanga fabrics that its owner referred to as leso. This is particularly interesting because the only difference seemed to be that the leso was a kanga that had already been used. When the owner was asked the reason for this, she replied that the leso for her meant second-hand. More intriguingly for the author, these older items cost three times more than the brand new ones found in Mombasa sigh street shops. Besides, while such shops commonly sold unused kanga fabrics only in uncut fabric pairs, the second-hand stall that sold leso sold them in cut single pieces. The kanga's main cultural significance, apart from being an item of clothing, is to spread messages. Originally, the written messages used to be in Swahili but in Arabic scrip, but my research shows that the fashion has recently included not only Swahili as the main language, but European languages, too. Without exception, these messages depict (day-to-day) life situations: polite or impolite; real or imagined; happy or sad; religious or political; celebratory or general; celebratory or general; romantic or spiteful and clever or witty. Additionally, a kanga may portray a message within the overall visual design. For example, the main visual design might be the map of Africa and the written message might be something like "Africa is a beautiful continent". The kanga is rectangular in shape, with an area of about sixty by forty inches. It often has multiple borders framing an interior rectangle bearing simple or intricate designs within the overall design. These will usually be supported by a written message. However, there is a type of kanga whose aesthetic message is sufficient enough to make the point. This kanga is known as kanga bubu or "speechless kanga". In spite of the fact that, originally, only women used it, current usage of the kanga is diverse. For example, tailoring for general family wear, tapestry, furniture covering, wall hanging, making hand-bags, wrapping by the Maasai men, and specialized tailoring for the Barotse men of Zambia, who prefer the softness of the kanga for making the liziba suits usually won during the Kwomboka ceremony. In both cases above, the Maasai and Barotse do not necessarily pay attention to the written messages on the kanga fabric. Their interest is mainly in the color design and the feel of the fabric. The kanga is softer and easier to manage for the requirements of the Barotse. The author's attempt to classify the kanga's written messages according to relevant topics can be viewed in this link: http://languagebox.ac.uk/view/languages/Swahili.html Nevertheless, it is virtually impossible to give just one meaning to each saying on a kanga; it is also difficult to place sayings under strict topics. This is because kanga messages are not direct and straightforward. For example, a kanga with a message that says "Leo ni leo" or literally "Today is today" could be a warning for an impending political conflict, like an election. Contrary to this, it could be announcing an exciting event, for example a wedding. Professor Zawawi notes: Although a woman is primarily trying to project a message to those with whom she is most in contact…when she goes…to buy a pair of kanga…she is attracted first by color and design. The message only comes later to enforce her choice…[but italics mine].if the message does not please her, she casts aside the kanga.she does not want to buy unpopular messages.(2005:25). Zawawi, S M, 2005, Kanga: The Cloth That Speaks, Azaniya Hill Press, New York The kanga is a fabric that was created and used sorely by women of the East African coast around Kenya and Tanzania. However, its uses have now expanded beyond this original domain in terms of geographical area and usage. Yet, the kanga still mainly depicts Swahili culture and gives its social critiques through designed and written messages. In fact, deciphering such messages ought not to be restricted to one meaning and more importantly, should be understood within the Swahili people's social context.

The author, who travelled in southern Arabia during the winter 1958/59 together with Prof. H. v. Wissmann and Colonel D. van der Meulen, attempts in this contribution to demonstrate the changes in population and economic geography which have occured in Hadramaut during recent decades. Ḥaḍramaut as now understood forms the major part of the British Eastern Aden Protectorate. It consists of three physical regions: 1. The coastal area, occupied by sand and pebble deserts, the Harra surfaces of recent volcanic origin and a marginal mountain chain of pronounced relief. 2. The Djöl, a raised platform consisting mainly of early Tertiary limestone which in the west, opposite the highland of Yemen, commences with a clear scarp and submerges northwards under the sands of the Ruh' al-Khälï. 3. According to physical character the wadies which are incised in the Djöl and which collect in the Wädï Ḥaḍramaut, a vale of 2—4 Km width running in a west-easterly direction, must be taken as a physical region in its own right. The potentialities for farming in the Hadramaut are very limited; they only exist in the oases of the coastal region and in the wadies whereas most of the Djöl merely serves as a passage for the Bedouins. Thus Ḥaḍramaut, even under optimum conditions, has only been able to feed about a quarter of its inhabitants with home produced foodstuffs. These unfavourable natural conditions early forced the Hadärim to emigration. Initially it was to nearby areas on the Red Sea coast and in Eastern Africa where South Arabic settlement colonies existed as early as the time of the birth of Christ. From the beginning of the last Century onwards, however, South-East Asia, in particular Singapore, Java and Sumatra, became the most favoured destinations for migration. As a result before World War II the number of Arabs from Ḥaḍramaut in the Dutch East Indies had reached about 90,000. Since the emigrants always aimed to return eventually to their homeland after years of absence, the dose links with Indonesia have found a clear reflection in Ḥaḍramaut itself. It is apparent in the architecture of the urban settlements, in eating habits and also anthropologically in considerable Malayan traces amongst many families of the economically most successful upper classes. These contacts with the outside world, however, weakened the authority of the religious leaders, the "Seyyids", descendants of Mohammed, who by means of successful business in foreign countries had themselves amassed the greatest wealth. They were neither any longer able to mediate in the numerous feuds which the vendetta made flare up again and again, nor to stem the continuing loosening of the tribal structure and to put an end to the internal disunion of the country which nearly amounted to a latent state of war. Only the truce of 1937, achieved with British help, brought an end to these troubles and provided the possibility of undertaking various development schemes, e. g. the improvement of communications. The most important consequence was the opening of the access to the Wädï Ḥaḍramaut which the conservative and strongly anti-foreign Population had prevented so far. A period of drought during World War II, which reached catastrophic proportions, and a recession of emigration, which because of the changed political Situation could no longer be resumed on the former scale even after the war, have eventually forced Hadramaut to take all measures to use the indigenous possibilities to a greater degree and increase agricultural production. Irrigation, both by utilisation of the episodic floods (seyls) and permanent irrigation by means of wells, has especially been developed. Many newly built dams utilise the floods; the success achieved by this means in Ḥaḍramaut itself is only modest whereas, in Abyan, about 50 Km to the east of Aden it was possible to develop seyl irrigation on a large scale resulting in considerable progress. By means of compact installations for distribution of the water and an extensive network of irrigation ducts which are safeguarded against "seyl erosion" it was possible to expand the cultivated area, especially for cotton growing, to 18,000 ha and to provide the basis of existence for 5,000 farm units. In the case of the development of irrigation from wells it was less the construction of new installations but the introduction of technological improvements for lifting the ground water, viz. the installation of diesel pumps into the existing well shafts. At the end of 1958 about 1,000 wells, approximately half the total of the Wädi Ḥaḍramaut, were used that way. As a consequence the oasis economy of the Wädi Ḥaḍramaut experiences not only an increase of its area but also a shift towards cultivation of crops with higher yields in which process wheat comes to dominate agricultural production to a higher degree than hitherto. High production costs are, however, a handicap to the development of agriculture. They are a consequence of the still inadequate communications and the unhealthy social conditions of the agricultural population; these arise from the share cropping and tenant farm Systems of the Middle East and further from the contempt in which agricultural work is held by large sections of the population.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has endorsed Hamas and doubled down on his criticisms of Israel's conduct, further straining transatlantic unity on the Israel-Hamas war as Tel Aviv reportedly gears up for a large-scale ground operation in Gaza."Hamas is not a terrorist organization, it is a liberation group, 'mujahideen' waging a battle to protect its lands and people," Erdogan told lawmakers last week, using an Arabic word that refers to those engaged in a holy struggle."The perpetrators of the massacre and the destruction taking place in Gaza are those providing unlimited support for Israel," he added, according to Reuters. "Israel's attacks on Gaza, for both itself and those supporting them, amount to murder and mental illness."It is unclear if there is a strong domestic rationale for Erdogan, who has occupied a shaky political position since eking out a hard-fought victory in the Turkish presidential election earlier this summer, to occupy a position overtly in favor of Hamas. What little polling data there is on Turkish attitudes toward the Israel-Hamas War suggests that only a sliver of the population — as little as 11% — believes Turkey should intervene on the side of Hamas, with a plurality of respondents saying Turkey should remain neutral in the conflict.Foreign policy concerns perhaps paint a more convincing picture of the Turkish leader's priorities: Erdogan's latest perspective on Hamas, while anathema to many Western audiences, enjoys widespread purchase across the Muslim world. Though delivered in too haphazard and inconsistent a fashion to comprise a coherent strategy or policy platform, pan-Islamist messaging has long been a part of Erdogan's rhetorical toolkit.Erdogan's full-throated endorsement of Hamas also complements his populist image at home. Large-scale demonstrations taking a stance explicitly critical of Israel have erupted in Turkey — as with many Middle-Eastern countries — since October 7, including reports of fireworks and rocks flung at the Israeli consulate in Istanbul.Erdogan's stark statement is not without potential consequences. Not unexpectedly, Israeli officials have denounced the remarks: "Israel wholeheartedly rejects the Turkish President's harsh words about the terrorist organization Hamas," Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lior Haiat said in a statement. "Even the Turkish president's attempt to defend the terrorist organization and his inciting words will not change the horrors that the whole world has seen," Haiat added.Erdogan further announced he canceled an upcoming visit to Israel, suggesting that fledgling efforts by Turkish and Israeli officials to normalize relations between the two countries in 2022 are indefinitely suspended if not dead. This dramatic reversal of positive diplomatic momentum follows the suspension of normalization talks between Saudi Arabia and Israel, a process that Erdogan supported prior to the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel.Ankara has likely abrogated its standing as a mediator in any potential future negotiations between Israel and Hamas by fully siding with the latter, drawing a vivid contrast with Erdogan's delicate messaging and ironclad commitment to neutrality in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. But the move is on brand for Erdogan: The Turkish leader is no stranger to breaking with his western NATO allies on key global issues and pursuing policies directly at odds with the strategic objectives articulated by U.S. and European Union leaders.His recent actions suggest that he currently prioritizes growing his clout in the Arab and Muslim worlds over any prospective program of rapprochement with Israel, dealing yet another blow to the Biden administration's troubled vision of a Middle-Eastern security architecture that promotes productive, healthy relations between Israel and several key regional players.Yet a core part of Erdogan's modus operandi is a kind of ruthless pragmatism characterized by constant maneuvering and, occasionally, drastic policy reversals. The Turkish President, ever flexible in pursuit of his policy aims, may possibly seek to restart normalization talks under more propitious circumstances when the Israel-Hamas war ends. Whether Israel opts to reciprocate such advances is another question entirely.Erdogan's most recent challenge comes even as the Euro-Atlantic united front on Israel shows signs of fraying much closer to its core. As observed in RS by Eldar Mamedov, Europe's shared messaging against Hamas and in favor of Israel belies growing policy differences as the conflict enters a new, volatile phase. Josep Borrell, the EU's top diplomat, has floated a "humanitarian pause" with the aim of providing succor to civilians in the Gaza strip. Germany and Austria are opposed even to this pared-down plan, which falls short of the formal ceasefire proposed by UN Chief Antonio Guterres last week. Top Spanish and Irish officials, meanwhile, have called for a humanitarian ceasefire, outlining the contours of a policy rift that could intensify if the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) proceed with a large-scale ground campaign in Gaza.Erdogan's posturing on Hamas, tactical as it may be, underscores a larger pattern of mounting tensions between Israel and many key regional actors in the wake of the October 7 attack. As Tel Aviv hunkers down for what Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said will be a "long and difficult war," there is a non-insignificant risk that these tensions could boil over into a larger regional conflict.It is difficult to imagine circumstances in which Turkey, which does not share a border with Israel and does not have existential security interests at stake, would get directly involved, but Erdogan's enmity contributes to an ominous regional mood that may embolden neighboring leaders who are already being pressured by protesters at home to assume a more active role in the conflict.

This article aims to explain how the contestation of social spaces in the lives of the plural society at Lasem it processes dynamically. It is a pattern of space contestation that leads to the affirmation and strengthening of identity or a pattern that leads to the fusion of identities. As a consequence, the first pattern creates social friction or conflict. On the contrary, the second pattern is directed towards acculturation and assimilation of culture which can strengthen social harmony. The important finding of this research is that it can be known the real issue, so that problems related to all parties can be found a solution as well as a resolution. This research also proves that social mechanism preparedness is considered urgent to prevent negative excesses (negative things) from the space contestation. So the space contestation that occurs dynamically proves that the plural society in Lasem has found a valuable experience, namely social resilience in facing all possible emergence of social disintegration.Keywords: contestation, space, social mechanisms and an plural society REFERENCE: Abercrombie, Nicholas, at.all., 2010. Kamus Sosiologi, Terj. Dwi Agus M. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar. Adhyanggono, GM. ad.all., 2009. Budaya Tionghoa Lasem Dalam Peta Tata Pemukiman, Tradisi, Peran Dan Relasi Gender, dalam Angelina Ika Rahutami (Peny.), "Kekuatan Lokal Sebagai Roh Pembangunan Jawa Tengah", Semarang: UNIKA Soegijapranata. Amirudin, 2017. Multikulturalisme dalam Produksi Budaya Seni Batik di Lasem, dalam; "60 Tahun Antropologi Indonesia; Refleksi Kontribusi Antropologi untuk Indonesia", Jakarta; Pusat Kajian Antropologi, Departemen Antropologi FISIP UI, 2017. Atabik, Ahmad, 2016. 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Die inneralevitischen Diskussionen zum Alevitum lassen sich zu einer Grundsatzfrage zur Identität bündeln: Ist das Alevitum innerhalb oder außerhalb des Islam zu verorten? Für viele alevitische Erbpriester der älteren Generation ist diese Frage einfach zu beantworten: Das Alevitum ist der wahre Kern des Islam. Es ist der auf Geheimwissen aufbauende, wahre Islam, den Ali und seine Abkömmlinge gelehrt und innerhalb ihrer eingeschworenen Gemeinschaften tradiert haben. Einige alevitische Erbpriester (Dede / Pir) beziehen ihr geistiges Amt und das damit verbundene Wissen aus einer Abstammung von Ali und lassen die Lehre des Alevitums in der Frühphase des Islam beginnen. In den Buyruk sollen deutliche Hinweise bestehen, dass die Lehre mit den ersten treuen Anhängern Muhammeds entstanden sei und nur Abkömmlinge Ali´s berechtigt sind, auf dieses schriftlich fixierte aber mündlich gelehrte Wissen zuzugreifen. Die gegenteilige Sicht sieht die Ursprünge des Alevitums nicht in der Frühphase des Islams und lehnt bezüglich der Entstehung des Alevitums eine geographische Verortung in der arabischsprachigen Welt kategorisch ab. Betrachtet man diesen Grundsatzstreit als Folge einer Identitätskrise, so müssen die Ursachen in der Entwicklungsgeschichte der Aleviten gesucht werden. Hier scheint das Verhältnis zu Schriftlichkeit und Schriften an sich ein wichtiger Faktor zu sein. Auch wenn unter den Aleviten die weit verbreitete Annahme dominiert, dass das Alevitum auf mündlicher Überlieferung basiert, bilden zahlreiche Schriften die Grundlagen jener mündlichen Überlieferungen aus denen Aleviten ihre religiösen, soziokuluturellen und auch politischen Grundsätze ableiten. Besonders hervorzuheben sind die als Buyruk bekannten Schriften, die inhaltlich bisher kaum analysiert wurden. Die Buyruk sind Träger eines speziellen Narratives, in denen Muhammed und Ali die Hauptfiguren sind und als Begründer der Religion dargestellt werden. Der Glaube, dass von Muhammed an Ali diktiertes esoterisches Wissen sich über die 12 Imame tradiert und erhalten haben soll, spiegelt sich letztendlich in der mündlichen wie auch schriftlichen Überlieferung des Alevitums wider. Auch wenn diese Schriften in der Tradition der Aleviten ihren festen Platz hatten, so scheinen sie seit Mitte des 20. Jahrhunderts an Bedeutung und Präsenz verloren zu haben. In dieser Untersuchung werden Ursachen für den Verlust der Bedeutung der Buyruk kurz skizziert und das Narrativ von esoterischem Wissen im Besitz der Ali´s dargelegt. ; The debates done on Alevism among Alevis on the aspect of whether Alevism lies inside or outside of Islam, can be combined through identity, which is a principal question. Many Alevi "dedes", members of the older generation, will give a simple answer to this question: "Alevism is the true essence of Islam." Alevism is true Islam which is based on secret knowledge, taught by Ali and his descendants, and bequeathed to devout community. Some Alevi "dedes" and "pirs" ground their spiritual positions and their knowledge related to this on the fact that they are Ali's descendants, and they also believe that Alevi dogma arose in the early period of the Islam religion. There are clear signs in "Buyruks" that Alevi dogma arose together with companions who sincerely believed in Prophet Muhammad from the beginning, and that only Ali's descendants are entitled to use verbally this dogmatic knowledge, which is however in writing form. The view opposing this assessment indicates that Alevism does not originate from the early period of Islam and categorically refuses to relate the origin of Alevism to Arabic-speaking world. The fact that this principal debate is seen as a manifestation of an identity crises necessitates a research of the causes in the developmental history of Alevism. In this context, the relation between textuality and written works seems to be an important factor in essence. Although the idea that Alevism is based on oral narratives is widely accepted among Alevis, many written works from which Alevis derived their religious, socio-cultural and political principles form the basis of these oral knowledge. The written works known as "Buyruk", which content has been subject to very limitted analysis to date, shoould be especially emphisezed. "Buyruk" is a special narration which presents Prophet Muhammad and Ali as the most important characters of Alevism and as founders of this belief. The belief concerning preserving and handing down through the Twelve Imams secret knowledge that Prophet Muhammad taught Ali, reflects consequently the written and oral tradition of Alevism. Even if these writings have a steady place in Alevi tradition, they seem to have lost their importance and existence since the mid-20th century. This paper will briefly analyse the reasons why "Buyruks" lost their importance and will describe the narration concerning secret knowledge saved by Ali. ; Aleviler arasında 'Alevilik İslam'ın içinde mi yoksa dışanda mı?' cihetinde Aleviliğe dair yapılan tartışmalar ilkesel bir soru olan kimlik üzerinden birleştirilebilir. Yaşlı nesle mensup birçok Alevi dedesi bu soruya "Alevilik İslam'ın gerçek özüdür" şeklinde basit bir cevap verecektir. Alevilik, gizli bilgiye dayalı, Hz. Ali ve onun soyundan gelenler tarafından öğretilen ve buna candan inanmış cemaate miras bırakılan gerçek İslam'dır. Bazı Alevi dede ve pirleri, sahip oldukları manevi makamlarını ve bununla ilintili olarak bilgilerini Hz. Ali'nin soyundan gelmelerine dayandırıp, keza Alevi dogmasının da İslam dininin ilk döneminde ortaya çıktığına inanmaktadırlar. Buyruk'larda, Alevi dogmasının Hz. Muhammed'e baştan beri samimi olarak inanan sahabelerle birlikte ortaya çıktığına ve sadece Hz. Ali'nin soyundan gelenlerin bu yazılı olarak düzenlenmiş lakin sözlü olarak dogmatik bilgiyi kullanmaya yetkili olduğuna dair belirgin işaretler vardır. Bu değerlendirmeye karşı çıkan muhalif görüş ise, Aleviliğin köken olarak İslam'ın ilk dönemi ile münasebeti olmadığını belirtip, Aleviliğin ortaya çıkışını coğrafi olarak Arapça konuşan dünya ile ilişkilendirmeyi kategorik olarak reddetmektedirler. Bu esasa dayalı tartışmanın bir kimlik krizinin tezahürü olarak görülmesi sonuç olarak Aleviliğin gelişim tarihindeki sebeplerin araştırılmasını elzem kılar. Bu bağlamda metinsellik ve yazılı eserler arasındaki ilişki esas itibariyle önemli bir etken gibi görünüyor. Aleviler arasında yaygın bir şekilde Aleviliğin nakli temelllere dayalı olduğu fikri hakim olsa da, Alevilerin dini, sosyo- kültürel ve siyasi ilkelerini türettiği birçok yazılı eser bu nakli bilgilerin temelini oluşturur. Bugüne kadar içerik olarak ancak çok sınırlı bir analize tabi tutulan Buyruk ismi adı altında bilinen yazılı eserlere özellikle vurgu yapılması gerekir. Buyruklar, Hz. Muhammed ve Hz. Ali'nin Aleviliğin en önemli karakterleri olduğunu ve onları bu dinin kurucusu olarak gösteren özel bir anlatımın taşıyıcısıdır. Hz. Muhammed tarafından Hz. Ali'ye öğretilen gizli bilginin 12 İmam üzerinden aktarıldığı ve korunduğuna dair inanç sonuç itibariyle Aleviliğin yazılı ve sözlü geleneklerini yansıtır. Bu yazılı eserler Alevi geleneğinde sağlam bir yere sahip olsalar bile, 20. yüzyılın ortalarından itibaren önemlerini ve mevcudiyetlerini kaybetmiş görünüyorlar. Bu çalışmada Buyrukların önemlerini yitirmelerinin sebebleri kısaca irdelenecek ve Hz. Ali'nin tasarrufunda bulunan gizli bilgiye dair anlatı betimlenecektir.

The demographic crisis of Western society is rooted in what could be called the "eclipse of the value of life". This phenomenon was deeply analysed by the French philosopher Gabriel Marel, who, referring to various contemporary authors, observed that the disintegration of family life and the rise of childlessness in Western society betray signs not so much of a moral decline, but rather a weakening of the perception of the value, beauty and power of life – analogous to the attempt of contemplating the beauty of the sky through a dimmed glass. The result of this 'cognitive' crisis is boredom – France was sick with this 'metaphysical malady' already in the 1940s, as observed by Marcel. The need for entertainment with all its industrial ramifications could be seen as an effort to fill this void of meaning and existential emptiness. Still, it cannot compensate the depth and power of the 'nuptial bond between man and life' – a fundamental anthropological fact, according to Marcel. Among the reasons for the loss of the 'poetic' dimension of life, not the least is the fundamental shift in the scientific paradigm that occurred in the epoch of Renaissance, as observed by Christopher Dawson. Thus, biology has become a field of science alienated from the real, one would say, emotionally important facts of life: such terms, as "reproductive system", "fertility", primary and secondary "sexual characteristics", especially in the realm of everyday consciousness, do not allow that which is called "sex" and "sexuality" to be seen as the entrance into the mystery of life of a tremendousgrandeur. Dawson attributes the loss of the esthetic and moral dimension of science to Avveroism – a distorted interpretation of Aristotle by the Arabic tradition overtaken by the Latins in the 13 th century – an interpretation which "discarded the metaphysical dimension of Aristotle's philosophy". Therefore, two steps are necessary for recovering the "colors" of reality. The first is to use the abundant evidenceaccumulated by neuroscientific breakthroughs of the last decades about the all-pervading influence of fertility processes on our masculinity and femininity: the beautiful face, attractiveness, romantic passion and, of course, "sexuality" and "sexiness" are a function of the main fertility hormones in a man's andwoman's bodies. The second necessary step could partially be understood from the sentimental paintings of love from the Romantic epoch: the hearts of lovers are pierced by an arrow shot by a Cherub, who is a baby. We say "partially", because the sentimental mode of the Romantic paintings may not evoke the sense of the depth of life to all viewers; nevertheless, a beautiful bride is not only "sexy", and even notonly "fertile", no, she is a gatekeeper to the mystery of life – and death, by extension. She is irresistible to a man because of this power; she can relax about her need to fit the stringent body standards of a sexualized culture – as her power over life is of much greater importance over attractiveness ("sexiness"), given she understands it. On the other hand, she can bear fruits of this blossoming only if she avoids the question, as Marcel observed, societies give themselves at the time of ebbing of life: Should I have children? Of course, she has the power to answer in the negative – but, in doing so, she cuts the knot between herself and Life and becomes a powerless toy in the hands of man. Equally so, a man who asks himself, Should I have children?is failing the test of life, says Marcel. This reverence to life must be qualified in order not to be confused with what is sometimes called "providentialism" – the duty to have as many children as one can. But a stringent calculation impoverishes: as a man or a woman denounce their masculine and feminine identity as if it were only a "biological" reality, they also fail – to put it in the words of Erik Erikson – to become generative inthe broadest sense of the word, which happens to be the main condition of a fulfilling life. ; Klausimas "Ar verta turėti vaikų", pasak prancūzų filosofo Gabrielio Marcelio, Vakarų visuomenėje yra naujas. Turėdamas laisvę paneigti prigimtinę gyvenimo duotybę – jungtuvinį žmogaus ir gyvenimo ryšį – individas ir visuomenė patiria nuobodulį – egzistencinę tuštumą. Ši problema tiksliau aprašoma kognityvaus, ne moralinio trūkumo terminu: gyvename gyvenimo vertės eklipsės laikais. Šis pasaulio spalvos pritemimas nulemtas daugelio priežasčių, tačiau viena iš svarbiausių yra savęs bei vyro ir moters santykio nuskurdinimas iki seksualumo – termino, kuriame vyrauja utilitarinė dimensija. Kad vyro ir moters galią pradėti gyvybę tiksliau yra vadinti "generatyvumu" (arba "gimtiškumu"), sutaria tokios palyginti skirtingos pažiūrų sistemos, kaip antai klasikinė tomistinė antropologija, Rytų žmogaus supratimas (Vydūnas) ir psichoanalizė (Erikias Eriksonas). Kad tokia antropologija yra adekvati – Jono Pauliaus II – terminas, parodo ir skaitlingi pastarųjų dešimtmečių neurobiologiniai tyrimai, moters grožį aiškiai susiejantys su jos vaisingumu. Tačiau pastarojo vertės suvokimą apsunkina, pasak Dawsono, Vakarų moksle įsigalėjusi pozityvistinė tradicija; vaisingumą suvokiant remiantis biologijos žiniomis ir medicinos tyrimais, vyrauja "biologijos" semantika, kuri "nebepamena", kad moters grožis susijęs su jos potencialu atverti ar uždaryti gyvenimo vartus. Atvirumas vaikams praturtina pačius tėvus "ego ribų išplėtimu", o vaikų ir, vadinasi, visos visuomenės vystymuisi pirmieji metai kuria emocinės sistemos pamatus, kuriuos vėliau galima sustiprinti tik investuojant daug lėšų į pedagogines, medicinos ir socialines paslaugas to pamato neturintiems. Suvokti ir paremti motinystę ir tėvystę per pirmąjį jaunos šeimos gyvenimo dešimtmetį yra vienintelė valstybės politika, kurią būtų galima pavadinti tikrai pragmatiška

Creating a standardised version of Afrikaans – the first 50 years With Steyn's 2014 publication We are going to make a language (Ons gaan 'n taal maak) as stimulus, the beginning of organised writing of Standard Afrikaans since 1875 is discussed, as well as its consequences for the continued creation of Afrikaans. In particular, in this paper comments are made on some of the points that Steyn made. Plans for an Afrikaans Bible translation were initially unsuccessful because Afrikaans was not yet serving a written function at the time. The written language subsequently established by the Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners ("GRA") (Association of Real Afrikaners) was able to fill this gap, as illustrated by the many publications that appeared under the banner of the GRA. Steyn points out that many people were enthusiastically involved in the creation of Afrikaans, then indicates what many of them had done, and continues to mention the expectations some of them had of Afrikaans. The way in which this publication shows how people were involved in the creation of Afrikaans makes it an exceptional document on the development of Afrikaans. The fact that people create standard languages, of which Standard Afrikaans is an example, is highlighted. People often start this process by developing written forms of spoken languages. The title of Steyn's work refers to this human endeavour. In the history of Afrikaans as a written language, a start was made as early as the nineteenth century with the development of a written form of some varieties of Afrikaans. A written tradition where Muslim Afrikaans was written in religious scriptures, in Arabic script, has possibly been in existence since 1830. This movement had a large readership and was based on the Cape variety of Afrikaans. At Genadendal Afrikaans was possibly written from 1859, and in Paarl from 1875. All these ways in which Afrikaans was written were close to the spoken variety. Patriot Afrikaans, as the GRA's written Afrikaans in the Paarl was also known, was based on the farmers' dialect of the area. It did not enjoy a high status, and developed speakers did not want to associate themselves with it. This Afrikaans was nevertheless made known by means of a large number of publications, which were read across the country. Up to 1895 no fewer than 81 000 copies were printed under the GRA banner. Afrikaans was also written from time to time by newspapers, but not uniformly, with Afrikaans being written the way it was spoken by the various speech communities whom these newspapers wished to reach. The Afrikaans written in this newspaper tradition made the dialectal Afrikaans of their target group a little more dignified by adding some Dutch to it. The farmers' variety on which GRA Afrikaans was based, was closely interwoven with the Khoi Afrikaans of the Khoi-Khoi people, the learner's Afrikaans that to a large extent had displaced their Khoi-Khoi mother tongue by the end of the seventeenth century. Besides the Afrikaans of the farmers, Khoi Afrikaans was one of the two main languages spoken for approximately a hundred years in the Interior Region, located more or less between the Hottentots Holland mountains and Graaff-Reinet. The two dialects had a mutual influence on one another, as is illustrated by the general use of the word ons (in the subject position) in current Afrikaans, which was earlier stigmatised as Khoi Afrikaans. This area of the interior is currently regarded as the origin of many of today's Afrikaans dialects. At the beginning of the twentieth century, language creators made serious efforts to Dutchify GRA Afrikaans, and the "write as we speak" principle of the GRA was changed in such a way as to link Afrikaans more closely to Dutch; the writing somewhat resembled the way Afrikaans was written in the newspaper tradition. In this way, a shortcut was taken to elevate the status of Afrikaans and expand its corpus. This Dutchification process had a number of implications for later Standard Afrikaans. Dutchified Afrikaans created some distance between this Afrikaans and the Afrikaans of its dialects, with the result that this rich source of Afrikaans became marginalised. The spelling of many words from GRA Afrikaans was adapted to the Dutch model, and earlier well-known rural constructions and dialectal forms were lost (such as agint, speul and worre, for agent, speel and word). Currently there is an increase in literary works written in varietal Afrikaans. The Afrikaans used in these works differs in various respects from Standard Afrikaans because it still contains some remnants of the language spoken in the period before Dutchification took place. But Dutchified Afrikaans remained a separate language. Quite a bit of material from the farmers' language, as written by the GRA, was preserved. The same applies as regards created constructs. The argument put forward here is that the Afrikaans double negative, for which a source cannot be found in the history of the Afrikaans language, was created by the GRA. By linking Afrikaans to Dutch during early legislation, an interesting move was made to support Afrikaans: In this, the argument was that Dutch included Afrikaans, something that is not borne out by the history of Afrikaans. After the Dutchification phase, "Dutch" continued to be linked to the language name "Afrikaans", for example in compounds such as "Afrikaans-Dutch". Steyn's outstanding book does not just deal with the origins of Afrikaans. Ons gaan 'n taal maak shares with its readers, through many of the approximately 200 photographs that have been used, the highlights of the Afrikaans language creation period, and takes them through the later period of its history, sometimes with quite some nostalgia. Reading Steyn's book brings one to a better understanding of the creation of Afrikaans, and it is simultaneously also quite thought-provoking.

On 4 January 2011, a twenty-six-year-old Tunisian street-vendor named Muhamed Bouazizi, driven to desperation after a spate of abuse at the hands of government officials, doused himself in petrol and set himself alight. While by all accounts Bouazizi's self-immolation should have passed unnoticed, his act of defiance sparked a revolution that led to the overthrow of Tunisia's autocratic leader Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and influenced similar regional movements. Bouazizi was declared a martyr, not for Islam, although he was a Muslim, but, to quote his mother, "all of the Tunisian people."1 He was constructed as a secular figure, whose sacrifice transcended the parochial boundaries of class, religion and nationality through his single act self-destructive defiance. The framing of Bouazizi's death as martyrdom was counter to the conventional popular understanding of martyrdom in the west, which, following the 9/11 attacks on America, has been narrowly conflated with suicide bombing. The attacks led to a plethora of works written by academics clamoring to explain the phenomenon of the 'suicide martyr' to an increasingly insecure public fearful of religious extremists bent on sacrificing themselves as a martyr. In the course of critiquing all of Middle Eastern society in one broad swathe, prominent Orientalist scholar Bernard Lewis ruminated that "if the peoples of the Middle East continue on their present path, the suicide bomber may become a metaphor for the whole region, and there will be no escape from a downward spiral of hate and spite, rage and self-pity, poverty and oppression."2 Conversely, the emergence of the supposed religious phenomenon of the martyr is, in Lewis' view, indicative of the regions' historical failure to join in the project of modernization. Taking Bouazizi's martyrdom as an inspiration, my broader intent with this paper is to counter the view that martyrdom is solely a religious phenomenon, and to show how the martyr has been constructed in particular historical situations as a secular politicized figure. There is more to martyrdom than suicide bombing, and by understanding the complexity and variety of these representations, I hope to contribute to the scholarship that recognizes the maturity and depth of contemporary Middle Eastern political and social culture. Before I do so I would like to briefly outline what it is I mean when I use the words 'secular' and 'martyrdom', two terms whose definitions in popular and academic discourse are amorphous at best. While in contemporary usage secularity has come to mean almost anything not of or relating to religion, this sharp distinction has little analytical utility in the study of how cultural and religious concepts become codified in nationalist discourses. Anthropologist Talal Asad has written extensively on the conceptual linkages between supposed secular and religious ontologies, particularly in regard to the fluidity of contemporary cultural transmission and the way the modern state constructs and promotes its own legitimacy. In Formations of the Secular Assad quotes Charles Taylor, who defined secularity as the "attempt to find the lowest denominator among the doctrines of conflicting religious sects."3 Benedict Anderson placed religious communities as the conceptual antecedents to the modern nation state in his lauded Imagined Communities, arguing that individuals of differing cultures and languages would nonetheless understand each other through the shared ideographs of their religious traditions.4 Secularity then, if we are to take Anderson and Asad's arguments, is not simply a concept's state of 'not being of' or 'not relating to' religion but may also be a concept whose constituent parts can be shared and commonly understood across religions, cultures and temporal spaces. Martyrdom is one of Anderson's shared ideographs in that while different communities and cultures conceptualize martyrdom in widely divergent ways, there is a basic narrative structure that each can share in. While the term 'martyr' in English, and its Arabic analogue 'shahid', are both rooted etymologically to the secular act of 'witnessing' in a legal context,5 it was adopted as a loanword in the Christian, Jewish and Islamic traditions to refer to one who had died for their faith. It was within these faiths that martyrdom acquired a specific narrative and descriptive format. "In it's purest form," writes Samuel Z. Klausner, "martyrdom is a voluntary, conscious, and altruistic readiness to suffer and offer one's life for a cause."6 A martyr is generally presented as a hero fighting for a cause, who, although foreeseing harm done to them by their opponents, carries on despite the risk. Who can, and cannot be a martyr varies, as civilians, fallen soldiers, politicians, and public leaders have all, at one point or another, been memorialized by Middle Eastern communities as martyrs. When the son of Syrian leader Hafez al-Assad was killed in a car accident in 1990, for example, government run news agencies referred to him as a martyr to the state.7 Mohammad Bouazizi, as mentioned before, was hailed as a martyr to the Tunisian revolution. The framing of these two incredibly dissimilar figures as martyrs attests to the malleability of martyrdom, and was made possible, in part, by the reconceptualization of martyrdom as a secular concept that took place in the Middle East throughout the 20th century. In the broader study of the links and divergences between the secular and the religious in the Middle East, we must, in the words of Talal Asad, "discover what people do with and to ideas and practices before we can understand what is involved in the secularization of theological concepts in different times and places."8 By examining how martyrdom was conceptualized and formed in the modern Middle East, we can get a broader view of the ways in which the cultures of the region mediate and augment their cultural practices and respond to the ever-shifting challenges they face. ; Arts, Faculty of ; History, Department of ; Unreviewed ; Undergraduate

341 p. ; Libro Electrónico ; This book is offered for consideration and critical reflection primarily by political science scholars throughout the world from beginning students to professors emeriti. Neither age nor erudition seems to make much difference in the prevailing assumption that killing is an inescapable part of the human condition that must be accepted in political theory and practice. It is hoped that readers will join in questioning this assumption and will contribute further stepping stones of thought and action toward a nonkilling global future. ; Este libro se ofrece a la consideración y la reflexión crítica sobre todo por los estudiosos de ciencias políticas en todo el mundo desde el principio a los estudiantes a los profesores eméritos. Ni la edad ni la erudición parece hacer mucha diferencia en la suposición dominante de que matar es una parte ineludible de la condición humana que debe ser aceptado en la teoría y la práctica política. Se espera que los lectores se unan a cuestionar este supuesto y que contribuirá aún más peldaños de pensamiento y acción hacia un futuro no alcanzar global. ; The long history of nonviolent cross-border interventions in situations of conflict constitutes a rich source of practical experience, of lessons learned. However, these lessons have never been drawn together and subjected to sustained scrutiny.In line with a new and comprehensive typology developed for this book, various examples of nonviolent cross-border direct interventions, which have been undertaken by activists rather than by humanitarian agencies, are described here and the lessons provided by these interventions are detailed. ; Contents Contents 7 Affirmation of the Global Nonkilling Spirit 13 For a Nonkilling World Report of the First Global Nonkilling Leadership Forum 15 Blessings of Acharya Shri Mahapragyaji 19 Opening Remarks 21 THE GLOBAL NONKILLING SPIRIT Hawaiian Spirituality of Nonkilling 27 Ha aheo Guanson Nonkilling in Buddhism 29 A.T. Ariyaratne The Global Nonkilling Spirit: Sources of Nonkilling Inspiration 31 Mairead Maguire Nonkilling in Hindu Tradition 33 Balwant "Bill" Bhaneja Humanism, Nonkilling, and Leadership 35 George Simson Roots of the Spirit of Nonkilling in Jainism 39 S. L. Gandhi Ants, Birds, Infants, and Humans: Notes on Islam and Nonkilling Politics 43 Chaiwat Satha-Anand Nonkilling in the Jewish Tradition 47 Alice Tucker Tao (Compassion) and Nonkilling 51 Rhee Dongshick Is a Nonkilling Haitian Voodoo Religions Possible 53 Max Paul THE CHALLENGE OF NONKILLING GLOBAL TRANSFORMATION Nonkilling Leadership and the Global Condition 61 Mairead Maguire Nonkilling Leadership for No-Poverty Development 67 A. T. Ariyaratne A Nonkilling World is Possible 71 Glenn D. Paige SIGNIFICANCE OF THE NONKILLING THESIS The Global Significance of the Nonkilling Thesis: The Ethics Link 79 Abdel-Salam Majali "Harmony is Most Valued": To Build a Harmony World 85 Zhao Baoxu Nonkilling as a Common Value and Global Program for Action 89 William V. Smirnov Achieving the Nonkilling Society in Nigeria: The Role of the Teacher 93 A. M. Wokocha On the Global Significance of the Nonkilling Thesis 97 Jose V. Abueva TRANSLATIONS AND CULTURAL EXPERIENCES Obstacles Faced in Translation from English to Arabic 105 Faisal O. Al-Rfouh Ohimsa Visva Rajniti 109 Rashida Khanam A Great Honor to do Something for a Nonkilling World 113 Tang Dahua Komentaryo tungkol sa pagsasalin ng Nonkilling Global Political Science 115 Galileo S. Zafra Joies et peines de la traduction en fraçais de Nonkilling Global Political Science 119 Max Paul Globalizing Understanding of Nonkilling Capabilities 121 Joám Evans Pim and Bárbara Kristensen Nonkilling Global Political Science in Hindi 129 N. Radhakrishnan Note on the Japanese Translation 133 H. Henry "Hank" Fukui Korean Translator's Note on Nonkilling Experiences 135 Yoon-Jae Chung Nonkilling Global Political Science Malayalam Edition 137 N. Radhakrishnan On the Mongolian Translation 141 Batchuluun Baldandorj Translating Nonkilling Global Political Science into Russian 143 Galina Startseva Nonkilling Global Political Science Sinhala Translator's Experience 145 Sunil Wijesiriwardena Nonkilling Global Political Science traduction en kiswahili 151 Mabwe Lucien Nonkilling Global Political Science Tamil Edition 155 N. Radhakrishnan A Brief Report on Translation into Urdu 157 Syed Sikander Mehdi PUBLICATION OF ENGLISH EDITIONS From Oxford to Xlibris: Story of an America "Samizdat" 161 Glenn D. Paige Nonkilling Global Political Science's Indian Edition 163 N. Radhakrishnan On Publishing the Philippine Edition of Nonkilling Global Political Science 167 Jose V. Abueva The Nigerian Edition of Nonkilling Global Political Science 169 Fidelis Allen COMMUNITY AWAKENING EXPERIENCES Towards a Nonkilling Filipino Society 175 Jose V. Abueva Founding of the Centre for Global Nonviolence Nigeria 181 Fidelis Allen The CCNGD: Philosophy, Structure, Progress and Outlook 185 Max Paul La societé non meurtrière est elle possible en Afrique des Grands Lacs? 191 Mabwe Lucien LESSONS FROM NONKILLING LEADERSHIP EXPERIENCES Transforming Leadership 205 James MacGregor Burns Tolstoy and the Doukhobors 207 Koozma J. Tarasoff Nonkilling Leadership Lessons from Gandhi 215 N. Radhakrishnan Building Nonkilling Muslim Societies: Relevance of Abdul Ghaffar Khan 221 Syed Sikander Mehdi Lessons from the Life of Martin Luther King, Jr. 225 Bernard LaFayette, Jr. Nonviolent Buddhist Leadership of A.T. Ariyaratne 229 Arjuna Krishnaratne Lessons from the Nonviolent Political Leadership of Gov. Guillermo Gaviria 233 Luis Botero "She Belongs to the Ages" - Petra Kelly (1947-1992) 239 Nancie Caraway Leadership Legacy of Petra Kelly 243 Eva Quistorp Ron Mallone and the Fellowship Party 251 Glenn D. Paige Leadership Lessons from the Sarvodaya Party of India 255 T. K. N. Unnithan The Role of Nonviolence Advisor to the Governor of Antioquia 263 Luis Botero Advising Leaders on Nonkilling Politics 265 Chaiwat Satha-Anand INTRODUCTION TO TRAINING METHODS Educating Leaders for Global Understanding 271 Abdel-Salam Majali The TRANSCEND approach to simple conflicts 273 Johan Galtung Kingian Nonviolence Leadership Training 285 Bernard LaFayette, Jr. and Charles L. Alphin, Sr. Brief Overview of the Shantisena (Gandhi's Peace Brigade) 289 N. Radhakrishnan The Shanti Sena of Gandhigram Rural University 299 Dennis August Almeida Charter for a World Without Violence 319 Contributors 329

Ladies and GentlemenGood morningAt the outset of my speech, I'd like to personally welcome all the respected attendees, from our home country Iran and abroad, respected invitees from ISESCO and the Ministry of Science, Research and Technology, researchers and scientists from Iranian universities, editor-in-chiefs of ISC-indexed journals from Iran and the regional countries, my colleagues from ISC and RICEST and all those who participated in one way or another to make this unique event come true. I firmly believe that bringing inspired people together in a forum like this would ensure that ISC always remains at the cutting edge.Before I commence I tend to name those humble people for whose association and help we here at ISC are so proud as well as grateful. To me, such public thank you is a veiled declaration of intimacy with those who have been in a position to lend assistance to ISC since its establishment in 2008.First, my sincerest thanks go to H, E, Dr.Othman Altwijiri, Director General of ISESCO for the key role His Excellency played in the establishment of the Islamic World Science Citation Center (ISC).Second, I am much indebted to Dr.Faiq Bilal, Director of Science Directorate of ISESCO, for his contribution to the holding of this conference.Third, my appreciations Vahid Ahmadi, the MSRT's Vice-Minister for Research and Technology, for full support of ISC and its programs. Also, I am appreciative of the helps we received from Dr, Salar Amoli for producing Visa for our respected guests from the OIC countries.Finally, I thank my colleagues at the ISC and RICEST, the editor-in-chiefs of ISC-indexed journals, researchers and colleagues from Iranian universities and all the attendees without whose presence this whole program could be nothing but a fail.The idea of founding a citation center to assess research performance of OIC countries' research output was first conceived in the third Islamic Conference of Ministers of Higher Education and Scientific Research, held in Kuwait City, State of Kuwait, between November 19-21, 2006. There, the delegate from the Islamic Republic of Iran took the initiative and put forward the idea of founding such a center to assess OIC countries research performance. This idea was welcomed by all members of ISESCO and was hence included in the agenda.The proposal was worked on successfully and put on the table during the fourth Islamic Conference of Ministers of Higher Education and Scientific Research, held in Baku, Capital of the Republic of Azerbaijan, in October, 2008. During that meeting, the proposal was discussed and verified with absolute majority and the I. R. of Iran was bestowed with the responsibility to establish such a citation center. And that is in brief how ISC was established in Shiraz, south of Iran.ISC seeks to assess research performance of OIC countries. Great strides have been made by the directing body of ISC to provide the infrastructure required for the successful fulfillment of this objective.I am obliged here to avow here that ISC's achievements during its short life have been phenomenal, in need, owing to the constant help and support received from Iran's Ministry of Science, Research and Technology as well as Iran's High Council for Cultural Revolution. These two supporting bodies guaranteed ISC's accomplishments by adopting scientific, administrative and financial policies required.Assessment of research performance is a complicated phenomenon involving an array of variables and indicators. In general, citation systems – like ISI, Scopus and ISC - undertake various types of assessments and rankings through a number of indicators including researchers, scientific journals, subject fields, universities, research institutions and countries. Currently, ISC ranks third, after ISI (from Thomson Reuters with a history of more than half a century) and Scopus (in the Netherlands, with a history of about two decades) in the whole world. Both ISI and Scopus are well known citation systems embodying a number of interesting products and services of which the scientific community can avail it. Despite these advantages, they fail to cover local languages and concentrate only on English resources. In contrast, ISC, despite its short history, has endeavored to cover languages other than English as well. The long term objective has of course been to cover all national languages in OIC has been produced such that it can be expanded, on demand to cover OIC languages. No doubt, this is time-taking process due to the linguistic difficulties embedded in such practices. This difficulty is well justifiable when we observe that even global ranking systems like ISI and SCOPUS have avoided local languages despite the long time and better resources they have had for development.I would like to announce here that ISC currently processes journals in three languages, i.e. Persian, Arabic and English and seeks to cover French shortly since it is used in a number of OIC countries. This is a non-stop process and having covered French we will seek to include other languages from the OIC region.Having OIC region as its scope has not acted of course as a restriction for the realm of our activities. Interestingly, we have been receiving requests from non-OIC countries (including America, England, Finland, Poland, Russia, India, …) as well to have their journals indexed in ISC. So, the regional ISC has now upgraded into a global ranking system ranking universities, journals, etc. from all over the world.To date, 1117 Arabic journals, 1056 English ones and 403 journals from other languages are indexed in ISC. The number of Iranian journals indexed in ISC is also remarkable – 1046 journals affiliated to the Ministry of Science, Research and Technology, 331 journals from the Ministry of Health, Treatment and Medical Training, and 250 journals affiliated to the Islamic Azad University.This simply means that ISC currently indexes more than 4000 journal titles from Iran, OIC and of course non-OIC countries. Of course, this sum is a fraction of the whole journals available in the international scientific community, and hence not that bulky in its present status, nevertheless it provides good ground for implementation of various types of scientometrics analyses and will provide more information as we move on.It is axiomatic that development of citation systems is time taking process. By this I am not focusing on issues like budget, building, etc. since such requirements have always been provided to ISC by the Iranian government with ease and on demand. Rather, I would like to focus on the time required to develop the software needed and of course the need for man power who have a good grip on scientometrics analysis.Regarding ISC's software, it has been developed by our own staff here. We consistently improve and enrich it by adding new features and new products. Regarding the staff, the M.S. program for Scientometrics was commenced at RICeST last year. Currently 12 students are studying in this program and this trend will be continued to train the man power required to fill-in-the-gap between ISC and ISI (and Scopus) in the shortest time possible.An important scheme here at ISC is to open up its branches in ISESCO member states to accelerate the enlargement of ISC database. This will, of course, require training of expertise in Scientometrics for which I am honored to introduce our M.S. program for Scientometrics. This program, in the long run, intends to train staff from the OIC countries to represent ISC branches in their relevant countries. I invite here the respected participants from the OIC countries to assist by introducing to us, through their universities, interested students who wish to attend the program.An important point I wish to share here on the present conference is that not many journals from OIC countries are indexed in ISI and Scopus. From among those which are indexed, journals with an IF from only a minority. Since the establishment of ISC, citation analysis has come under focus not only in Iran but also in OIC countries. Journal seek to publish original research with the objective to promote the status of science in the society, to increase scientific and research collaboration among research and scientific institutions in Iran and the OIC countries and expand knowledge frontiers. Attaining this objective depends greatly upon the scientific and research infrastructure of each member state.As specified in its charter, ISC has been bestowed with the responsibility to hold workshops and seminars to improve the status of ICS-indexed journals and, of course, facilitate journal submission by interested bodies to ISC. The present conference is indeed the second of this type- the first one was held two years back- which is being held for editor-in chiefs of scientific journals from Iran and the OIC region.The respected editor-in-chiefs here are invited to make the best use of the potential available in universities, research institution and societies to enhance the status of their journals. To enhance the quality of journals, a number of steps need to be taken:The editor-in-chiefs as well as the editorial boards of scientific journals should be picked up from among outstanding scientific figures. These people are those whose effort cans most contribute to the enhancement of scientific journals.Another point of great moment in enhancing the status of academic journals goes back to the nature of the peer-review process. Qualified and experienced referees can guarantee the quality of articles – and their originality as well.Yet another important issue pertains to the referencing mechanism used in journals. Studies undertaken on the referencing issue reveal that journals quite often do not follow in-text and out-text citation standards. Inconsistencies are observed among journals, even between different issues of a given journal and even at times between different articles of a single journal issue. To ease indexing in ISC, journals need to abide by citation standards. Mismatch in out-text citation may not cause any problem in information databases but they can be a big problem in citation systems like ISC. Hence, it is highly recommended that ISC-indexed journals move towards adapting sort of citation standards. One further point contributing to the quality of journals goes back to the issue of author affiliations. In general, author affiliation is drawn on in a number of research areas including ranking of universities and research institutions, production of science maps, assessing research quality, ranking authors, departments, etc.During the past few years, the increase in the volume of journals has been astronomical. We witness that journal editors are showing ever increasing tendency towards e-publishing. The reasons for such tendency are two-fold: First, journals try to keep abreast of the recent trend in publishing namely the open access movement. Second, journals are faced with budgeting problems and such constraints have forced them to adopt e-publishing as a substitute policy. E-publishing is today deemed as a routine in many countries of the world especially emerging scientific countries.Today, electronic copies of a large number of scientific journals are freely accessible. E-publishing is easier, faster and requires less budgeting. An inherent advantage of e-publishing is that it provides the grounds needed for crawlers to retrieve journals and to use the data for indexing purposes. For e-publishing to perform maximally, there is of course a need for an online journal submission system by the use of which journals can receive articles, send them for peer-review and also form their own online archives for later reference and use.Plagiarism is also deemed as an important issue in the scientific community today as it has been for so long. This phenomenon can harm the quality and status of journals. Indexing systems are apt to exclude journals from their systems due to plagiarism traces observed in them. Thus, it is a must for editor-in-chiefs of journals to be familiar with plagiarism, plagiarism detecting software and the strategies needed to avoid or at least minimize this problem in scientific production process thereby guarantee the copyright issue.Before closing my speech, I would like to make some proposals:1- To establish a publishing agency, with international scope, to publish scientific and research journals from the OIC countries. This will facilitate their indexing in ISC substantially and will be a great help to journals financially.2- To establish ISC local branches in different OIC countries.3- To encourage consistent interaction between ISC and journals with the aim of enhancing the quality and status of ISC-indexed journals.4- To schedule regular visits to ISC (for ISC-indexed editor-in-chiefs) and to OIC countries (for ISC directing body or staff to mark the problems and to make proposals for their removal).5- To hold ISC's conferences in OIC countries. ISC will help financially to hold such conferences.6- To use ISC for citation analyses, science mapping and scientific and research performance assessments in the OIC countries.7- To hold workshops at national and international levels to publicize research and scientific potential of the OIC countries, especially their universities and research institutions. Thank You

This paper is dedicated to the history of the Women's International Democratic Federation (further WIDF), the influential transnational organization of the period of the Cold War. The scholars who were dealing with the history of this organization have different opinions about its activities and historical role. Indeed, several researches have shown that the federation realized a lot of solidarity work; the federation was important not least with respect to the anti-colonial and anti-racist struggles as well for cooperation between women from inside and outside Europe. But on the other hand, historically this organization was seen as dependent from the Soviet Union or as the organization where Communist ideas and Soviet bloc's geopolitical interests have played an important role. The aim of this paper is to explore some of the contradictory aspects of the WIDF's ideology and activities. I use the WIDF's official publications, first of all, the federation's journal Women of the Whole World/ Zhenshchiny mira (published from 1951 in English, French, Russian and, later on German, Spanish and Arabic) vis-à-vis the material from the archive in Moscow, belonging to the WIDF's member organization from the Soviet Union (GARF, Fond of the Committee of the Soviet Women). In this paper I discuss the federation's use of the achievements of the state socialist countries on the way to women's emancipation as well as WIDF's main political concepts and some of their interpretations. Thus, I explore the contradictions with respect to how the concepts as human rights, democracy and women's rights were used in WIDF's documents from different periods as well as discuss conflicts connected to their use. ; Artykuł poświęcony jest historii Światowej Demokratycznej Federacji Kobiet (ŚDFK), wpływowej międzynarodowej organizacji okresu zimnej wojny. Badacze zajmujący się jej funkcjonowaniem prezentują zróżnicowane opinie na temat działalności i roli historycznej federacji. Z dotychczasowych ustaleń wynika, że ŚDFK oprócz inspirowania Europejek i kobiet z pozostałych kontynentów do walki o ich prawa realizowała wiele projektów solidarystycznych. Niektóre z jej inicjatyw miały wpływ zarówno na proces dekolonizacji, jak i postępy w walce z rasizmem. Jednocześnie organizacja była postrzegana jako zależna od Związku Sowieckiego, jako struktura propagująca idee komunistyczne i geopolityczne interesy bloku wschodniego. Celem tego artykułu jest zbadanie pewnych sprzeczności pomiędzy bazą ideologiczną a praktyczną działalnością ŚDFK. Podstawą do opracowania tematu są z jednej strony publikacje zaczerpnięte z oficjalnego organu prasowego federacji, którym od 1951 r. był periodyk "Kobiety Całego Świata" (ukazywał się w języku angielskim, francuskim, rosyjskim, a później niemieckim, hiszpańskim i arabskim), a z drugiej strony materiały zrzeszonego w ŚDFK Komitetu Kobiet Sowieckich (dostępne w zasobie Archiwum Państwowego Federacji Rosyjskiej, w zespole Komitetu Kobiet Sowieckich). W artykule scharakteryzowano główne koncepcje polityczne ŚDFK, jak też skalę wykorzystania do celów propagandowych przez federację osiągnięć państw socjalistycznych. Ukazano też poprzez pryzmat oficjalnych dokumentów federacji z różnych okresów jej działalności zmieniające się interpretacje takich pojęć, jak: demokracja, prawa człowieka, prawa kobiet oraz wynikłe z tego sprzeczności związane z użyciem tych terminów. ; Stockholm University and Mid-Sweden University ; Yulia Gradskova – pracownik Uniwersytetu w Sztokholmie. Jej naukowe zainteresowania ogniskują się wokół rosyjskiej, sowieckiej i posowieckiej historii społecznej i historii płci. Interesuje się także postsocjalizmem, historią dekolonialną i transnarodową. W swojej rozprawie doktorskiej (obronionej w 2007 r.) zajmowała się zmianami dyskursu dotyczącego macierzyństwa i urody w ocenie kobiet mieszkających w Moskwie, Ufie (Baszkirii) i Saratowie. Habilitacja (Uniwersytet Södertörn, 2010–2012) dotyczyła krytycznej rewizji sowieckiej polityki "emancypacji" i "kulturalizacji" kobiet na dawnych cesarskich kresach. Brała udział w kilku wspólnych projektach badawczych na Uniwersytecie Södertörn, w tym jeden z nich poświęcony był transformacji rodziny z okresu socjalizmu państwowego do okresu posocjalistycznego ("Rodzina i silne państwo: emancypacja czy przymus", 2008–2009). Obecnie prowadzi badania na temat Światowej Demokratycznej Federacji Kobiet – dużej międzynarodowej organizacji założonej w 1945 r. w Paryżu. ; yulia.gradskova@historia.su.se ; 172 ; 2(9) ; 185 ; State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF), fond 7928, Committee of the Soviet Woman. ; Women of the Whole World, 1960–1981. ; Za ravnopravie, schastie, mir, (Berlin : WIDF, 1953). ; Zhenshchiny mira, 1958–1981. ; Between Protest and Nation-Building, Chen Jian, Martin Klimke, Masha Kirasirova et al. (eds.), (London : Routledge, 2018), 230–242. ; Bonfiglioli, Chiara. Revolutionary Networks. Women's Political and Social Activism in Cold War Italy and Yugoslavia (1945–1957), PhD diss., (Utrecht, 2012), https://dspace.library.uu.nl/bitstream/handle/1874/254104/Bonfiglioli.pdf?sequence. ; Djagalov, Rossen. Salazkina, Masha. "Tashkent' 68, a cinematic contact zone", Slavic Review, Vol. 75, No. 2, 2016. ; Donert, Celia. "Whose Utopia? Gender, Ideology and Human Rights at the 1975 World Congress in East Berlin", in: Jan Eckel, Samuel Moyn (eds.), The Breakthrough: Human Rights in the 1970s, (Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014), 68–87. ; Edelman, Fanny. Banderas, Pasiones, Camaradas (Buenos Aires : Ediciones Dirple, 1996), 142. ; Gallo, Maria Theresa. "Today, a Woman is a President of the Republic of Uzbekistan", Women of the Whole World, No. 2, 1959, 9–21. ; Ghodsee, Kristen. Second World, Second Sex, (Durham : Duke University Press, 2018). ; Gradskova, Yulia. Soviet Politics of Emancipation of Ethnic Minority Woman. Natsionalka, (Cham : Springer, 2018). ; de Haan, Francisca. "Continuing Cold War Paradigms in Western Historiography of Transnational Women's Organizations: The Case of the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF)", Women's History Review, Vol. 19, No. 4, 2010, 547–573. ; de Haan, Francisca. "The Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF): History, Main Agenda and Contributions (1945–1991)", in: Thomas Dublin, Kathryn Kish Sklar (eds.), Women and Social Movements (WASI) Online Archive, 2012, http://alexanderstreet.com/products/women-and-social-movements-international ; de Haan, Francisca. "The Global Left-Feminist 1960s. From Copenhagen to Moscow and New York", in: The Routledge Handbook of the Global Sixties, (London : Routledge, 2018), 230–242. ; Kamp, Marianne. New Woman in Uzbekistan, Islam, Modernity and Unveiling under Communism, (Seattle : University of Washington Press, 2006). ; Kanet, Roger. "Soviet Propaganda and the process of national liberation", in: Roger Kanet (ed.), Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and the Third World, (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1988), 84–114. ; McGregor, Katherine. "Opposing Colonialism: the Women's International Democratic Federation and Decolonization Struggles in Vietnam and Algeria 1945–1965", Women's History Review, Vol. 25, No. 6, 2016, 925–944. ; Mohanty, Chandra. Feminism without borders: decolonizing theory, practicing solidarity, (Durham : Duke University Press, 2003). ; Moyn, Samuel. The Last Utopia. Human Rights in History, (Cambridge, MA : Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2010). ; Tlostanova, Madina. Gender Epistemologies and Eurasian Borderland, (Basingstoke : Palgrave, 2010).

Abstract: The needs of low income families hasn't been fulfilled as it should be. Even poverty issues hasn't been solved yet. Therefore, the writer willing to involve in solving the issue by presenting the results of Tarjih from Ulama who's mastered in so many religious disciplines. He lives in Imam Syafi'ie and imam Ahmad's era. He is famous with his ability in Arabic language. He is Qasim bin Salaam, which commonly known as Abu Ubaid. He states on his book (Kitabul Amwal) Varieties of sources of public wealth managed by the government. Some of them are taxes, Ghanimah, Fa'i, Zakat and so many more. Meanwhile the writer only picks Zakat as his research object. This is because all Muslims have the ability and freewill to manage it at the maximum level. The writer limits his research into two points: first: what is the results of Abu Ubaid's Tarjih. Second: what is the method of Abu Ubaid in his Tarjih. The main purpose of this research is to know his tarjeh and the basis of it. While providing benefits to Amil zakat, fatwa institutions, and alike. So that the result of this research serve as a reference in regulating the wealth allocation on Zakat and in issuing fatwa. The conclusions of the research is: That in general Abu ubaid uses the method (manhaj) of the majority of ulama in interact with Dalils that looks contradictive. First, he tried to colaborate (jam'u) two Dalils that contradictive. Then if it can't be collaborated, he chooses (tarjih) one of the two Dalils without using the others. He wasn't do Naskh because he was able to Tarjih the whole problem of zakat in his book. If there is two Dalils that contradictive, he'll choose the Shohih one. He put Dalil first rather than Atsar and Qiyas. However if the Dalil is Dhoif he will choose Atsar and Qiyas. He put Atsar of the shohabat first rather than the words of ulama after them. If there is two Qiyas that contradictive, he'll choose Qiyas that supported with Dalils or in accordance with the general rules of the religions. Abstrak: Kebutuhan orang-orang yang berkekurangan belum terpenuhi sebagaimana mestinya. Bahkan kefakiran dan kemiskinan juga belum teratasi. penelitian ini sebagai wujud dari andil kami dalam menuntaskan masalah tersebut dengan cara mempersembahkan hasil Tarjih seorang ulama yang menguasai banyak disiplin ilmu Agama, hidup di masa imam Syafi'i dan imam Ahmad dan terkenal sebagai ahli bahasa Arab. Dia adalah Qosim bin Sallam yang biasa disebut Abu Ubaid. Dalam bukunya (Kitabul Amwal) ia menulis bermacam-macam sumber kekayaan umum yang dikelola olah Negara. Seperti pajak, Ghonimah, Fa'i', Zakat dan lain sebagainya. Permasalahan Zakatlah yang kami pilih sebagai obyek penelitian karena umat Islam memiliki kemampuan dan kebebasan untuk mengelolanya secara maksimal. Penelitihan ini kami batasi pada dua point saja: Pertama : Apa saja hasil Tarjeh Abu Ubaid. Kedua : Sebab atau landasan beliau dalam mentarjih. Tujuan utama dari penelitihan ini adalah mengetahui hasil Tarjeh Abu Ubaid serta landasannya dan memberikannya kepada lembaga-lembaga amil Zakat, lembaga-lembaga fatwa, dan yang serupa dengan itu. Agar hasil penelitihan ini dijadikan sebagai bahan rujukan dan pertimbangan dalam mengatur harta Zakat dan mengeluarkan fatwa. Kesimpulan dari penelitihan ini bahwa secara umum Abu Ubaid menggunakan methode (Manhaj) mayoritas Ulama dalam berinteraksi dengan dalil-dalil yang kelihatannya bertentangan. Yaitu pertama-tama ia berusaha mengkolaborasi (Jam'u) dalil-dalil yang bertentangan. Jika tidak dapat dikolaborasikan, maka ia memilih (mentarjih) salah satu dari dalil-dalil tersebut. Ia tidak melakukan Naskh karena sanggup mentarjih seluruh permasalahan Zakat dalam bukunya. Jika ada dalil-dalil yang bertentangan, maka ia memilih (mentarjih) salah satu yang ia anggap Shohih. Jika ada Hadits, Atsar dan Qiyas saling bertentangan, maka ia mendahulukan Hadits dari pada Atsar dan Qiyas, jika Hadits tersebut Shohih. Jika Haditsnya Dhoif, ia lebih memilih Atsar dan Qiyas. Jika hanya terdapat satu Hadits dalam suatu masalah, jika Hadits tersebut dikuatkan oleh Atsar atau Qiyas, maka ia tetap mengambilnya meskipun Dhoif. Ia mengutamakan Atsar Sabahat dari pada perkataan ulama setelah mereka. Jika ada dua Qiyas yang bertentangan beliau memilih Qiyas yang didukung oleh dalil atau sesuai dengan kaidah-kaidah umum Agama. الملخص: إن مما يدفع الباحث إلى اختيار هذا الموضوع ما يجري في واقع الحياة بمحتمعنا أن حوائج المحتاجين لم تسد على الوجه المطلوب والفقر والحرمان لم يمحا من الوجود . فأراد الباحث إسهام ما استطاع لأجل المشاركة في حل هذه القضية بتقديم ترجيحات أبي عبيد القاسم بن سلاّم الهروي في مسائل الزكاة . لأنه عالم متقن في كثير من الفنون الإسلامية ومن معاصري الإمامين الشافعي وأحمد وممن يقبله الناس. اختار الباحث مسائل الزكاة من كتابه لتكون موضوعا لبحثه لأن المسلمين لايزالون في سعة وقدرة في تنفيذها بخلاف المسائل الأخرى . وحدد الباحث نقطتين لبحثه . الأولى ترجيحاته والثانية أسباب ترجيحاته وتعليلاتها . مستهدفا معرفة ترجيحات أبي عبيد وأسبابها ، لتكون مرجعا للقائمين بجمع الزكاة وصرفها في مواضعها ، وليسترشدوا بها في تطبيقاتهم لأحكام الزكاة . كما استهدف إبراز جانب الفقه في شخصية أبي عبيد . والمنهج الذي أسير عليه في كتابة هذا البحث هو ذكر أقوال الفقهاء التي ذكرها أبو عبيد وأدلة كل قول بإيجاز ، ثم أذكر ترجيحاته مع بيان أسبابها وتعليلاتها . ثم أذكر موقفي من ترجيحاته موافقة أو مخالفة مع بيان أسباب ذلك. وقد توصل الباحث إلى التنيجة التي تتلخص فيما يلي : إن أبا عبيد قد نهج منهج الجمهور في التعامل بين النصوص الشرعية التي ظاهرها التعارض . حيث إنه حاول الجمع بينها أولا ، وإذا لم يمكنه ذلك قام بترجيحها . ولم يدخل أبو عبيد في النسخ لأنه استطاع ترجيح جميع مسائل الزكاة في كتابه . وعند التعارض بين النصوص قام بترجيح النص الصحيح . وعند التعارض بين النص والآثار والقياس فإنه رجح النص عليها إن كان صحيحا ، وإذا كان ضعيفا فإنه رجح الآثار والقياس عليه . وإذا لم يوجد في المسألة إلا حديث واحد فإنه أخذه بشرط أن تكون هناك آثار وقياس تشهد له وتؤيده ، وإن لم تكن هناك آثار وقياس تشهد له وتؤيده فإنه لا يأخذه . قدم أبو عبيد آثار الصحابة على أقوال من بعدهم . وعند التعارض بين الأقيسة رجح أبو عبيد قياسا صحيحا مؤيَّدا بالنص أو بالقواعد العامة في الدين على قياس فاسد عير معتبر . وقد يرجح بين أقوال الفقهاء بناء على مهارته في تفسير ألفاظ النصوص الشرعية.الكلمات الرئيسة: ترجيح، أبو عبيد، الزكاة، كتاب الأموال.

Die breite öffentliche Debatte um den Klimawandel und seine Folgen hat die politischen Entscheidungsträger erreicht. Große Unsicherheit herrscht über das tatsächliche Ausmaß und die Auswirkungen des Wandels. Ein besseres Verständnis unseres Klimasystems ist daher dringend notwendig. Um das zukünftige Klima vorhersagen zu können, müssen Klimaänderungen der Vergangenheit verstanden werden. Die Historische Klimatologie bietet erprobte Methoden zur Rekonstruktion des Klimas der letzten ca. 1000 Jahre. Grundlage für qualitativ hochwertige Ergebnisse ist die große Anzahl der in eine Auswertung einbezogenen Quellen. Diese muss in Zukunft deutlich erhöht und auf weitere Regionen der Erde ausgedehnt werden. Viele potentielle Quellen liegen gedruckt oder bereits digital in Bibliotheken vor. Hieraus ergibt sich die Leitfrage dieser Arbeit: Können moderne, softwaregestützte Methoden des Data-Mining auch auf historische Texte angewendet werden? Die Zielstellung ist, dass der einzelne Bearbeiter in der Historischen Klimatologie effizienter arbeiten kann, so dass mehr Quellen in kürzerer Zeit bei gleichbleibender oder besserer Qualität ausgewertet werden können. Mit der entwickelten Software Konkordanz zur halbautomatischen Textextraktion kann der Arbeitsschritt "Quellenzitate extrahieren" deutlich effizienter durchgeführt werden. Im Experiment wurde mit der halbautomatischen Textextraktion nur ¼ der Zeit benötigt – bei einer Genauigkeit von 95%. Es ist zu vermuten, dass bei wachsender Erfahrung mit der neuen Methode diese Werte noch gesteigert werden können. Für die Software Konkordanz wurden neue Such- und Bewertungsalgorithmen entwickelt. Diese basieren auf Ansätzen der Computerlinguistik, Lexikometrie und des Data-Mining. Beim Design der Mensch-Maschine-Interaktion konnte auf etablierte Techniken des Benutzerschnittstellendesigns zurückgegriffen werden. Bei der Auswertung von Reisetagebüchern ergeben sich besondere Herausforderungen durch ständig wechselnde Standorte. Für eine historisch-klimatologische Betrachtung müssen diese lokalisiert werden. Bei den hier untersuchten Tagebüchern wurden vorwiegend arabische Ortsnamen nach Gehör ad-hoc ins Englische transkribiert. Zur Lokalisierung dieser wurde eine phonetische Suche auf Basis des DoubleMetaphone-Algorithmus implementiert. Die Suche wird ergänzt durch eine neu entwickelte phonetische Bewertung. Bei der Entwicklung und dem Testen der Algorithmen konnte auf etablierte Ansätze des Data-Mining und maschinellen Lernens zurückgegriffen werden. Die phonetische Suche findet sowohl mehr relevante als auch weniger nicht-relevante Orte als die vorher verfügbare Suchmethoden. Mit der neu entwickelten Suche konnten fast doppelt so viele von Buckinghams Reiseorten korrekt lokalisiert werden, als mit der besten vorher verfügbaren "fuzzy"-GeoNames Suche. Mit den entwickelten Methoden zum halbautomatischen Auffinden relevanter Textstellen und der Unterstützung bei der Kodierung durch den StatementsManager bleibt die Rekonstruktion der Reiseroute einer der zeitaufwändigsten Arbeitsschritte bei der Analyse von Reisetagebüchern. Es wurde daher ein RouteFinder-Algorithmus entwickelt, der aus einer Liste von Ortsnamen und dem erwarteten mittleren Abstand zwischen den Orten die wahrscheinlichsten Reiserouten errechnet Der Algorithmus erkennt automatisch nicht- oder nur falschlokalisierbare Ortsnamen in der Eingabemenge. Bei der Entwicklung des Algorithmus wurden graphentheoretische Ansätze verfolgt; bei der Optimierung auf Data-Mining, multivariate Datenanalyse und maschinelles Lernen aufgebaut. Die Ergebnisse der automatischen Routenrekonstruktion sind faszinierend. Mit den neu entwickelten Methoden wurden die sechs Reisetagebücher Buckinghams analysiert. Die Tagebücher lagen bereits digital in Online-Archiven vor. Buckingham reiste von Dezember 1815 bis Dezember 1816 von Alexandria in Ägypten über Palästina, Syrien, Mesopotamien und Persien nach Indien. Der Zeitpunkt seiner Reise ist klimatologisch interessant, da sie im Nachgang des Ausbruchs des Tambora (Indonesien) vom Frühjahr 1815 stattfand. In Europa und Nordamerika ging das Jahr 1816 durch die durch den Ausbruch modifizierten Strömungs¬muster der Atmosphäre als "Jahr ohne Sommer" in die Geschichte ein. Die lokalisierten und kodierten Witterungsnotizen Buckinghams wurden in Wettertableaus überführt. Damit sind die witterungsrelevanten Aussagen aus über 3100 Seiten Reisebeschreibung übersichtlich auf drei Seiten zusammengefasst. Während seiner Reise erlebte Buckingham zwei Dürren, eine in der südlichen Levante, die offenbar im Winter 1815/1816 begann, eine weitere in Persien, die je nach Region bereits zwei oder drei Jahre andauerte. Der Vergleich mit einem modernen Klimamodell zeigt, dass dieses nach einem tambora-ähnlichen Ausbruch einen Witterungsverlauf erwarten lässt, der gerade entgegengesetzt zu der von Buckingham gemachten Beobachtung ist. ; The public discussion on climate change and its effects has now reached policymakers. Coupled to this is a great uncertainty concerning the true extent of climate change, and of its consequences. It follows that a better understanding of our climate system is a pressing necessity. For accurate future climate predictions, natural climate changes of the past have to be understood. Instrumental measurement records cover only the last 100 years, and so are not sufficient for this purpose. On the other hand, Historical Climatology provides tried and tested methods for the reconstruction of the climate over the past 1000 years. In order to ensure results of a high calibre, it is crucial to use as many historical sources as possible. Consequently, both the number of accessible sources and their geographical coverage must be considerably increased in the future. Many potential sources are already available in libraries in printed, or indeed digital form. The central question asked in this thesis is therefore: Is it possible to apply modern, software-supported methods of data mining to historical sources? The goal is to enable the analysis of more sources in less time, while maintaining or raising the standards of quality, by increasing the efficiency of historical climatologists. The newly developed software Konkordanz, enabling semi-automatized text extraction, considerably improves the step in which the relevant parts of historical sources are extracted. Experiments show that only a quarter of the time is needed in comparison to manually extracting quotes; the precision is around 95%. Moreover, it can be expected that these figures will increase, once these new methods become more familiar. In order to build Konkordanz, new search and assessment algorithms were developed. These are based on natural language processing, lexicometrics and data mining. The user interface was developed according to the relevant modern design principles. A potentially confounding factor in the textual analysis of a travel diary is the constantly changing roster of locations it contains. Historical climatological studies can only be performed when these locations are pinpointed. In the diaries analysed in this thesis, spoken Arabic location names where transcribed ad-hoc to the English language. In order to pinpoint these locations, a phonetic search based on the DoubleMetaphone algorithm was implemented, together with a newly developed phonetic rating complementing this search. Development and testing was driven by methods of data mining and machine learning. The phonetic search finds more relevant and less non-relevant locations than previously available methods. The newly developed phonetics search enables us to pinpoint nearly as twice as many of Buckingham's travel locations as was possible with the previously best "fuzzy" GeoNames search. With the newly developed method for half-automated text extraction, and the support for coding of quotes, the reconstruction of travel routes remains one of the most time-consuming steps in the analysis of travel diaries. Therefore, a RouteFinder algorithm was developed. It reconstructs, from a list of location names and the expected mean distance between these, the most probable travel routes. Development of the algorithm was driven by graph theory. Optimization was done through data mining, multivariate data analysis and machine learning. The results of automated route reconstruction are fascinating. The newly developed methods where applied to James Silk Buckingham's six travel diaries. The diaries are digitally available on online archives. From December 1815 to December 1816 Buckingham travelled from Alexandria in Egypt through Palestine, Syria, Mesopotamia and Persia to India. Travel records from this period of time are particularly interesting to climatologists, for in the spring 1815, Mount Tambora erupted in Indonesia. In the aftermath of the event, large parts of Europe and North-America experienced the so-called "year without summer" in 1816. Buckingham's localised and coded weather records were transformed into weather tables. These three pages represent most of the climatically relevant information of over 3100 pages of the travel reports. During his travels, Buckingham experienced two droughts: one was in south Levant, starting in winter 1815/1816, the other was spread all through Persia, and must have started between two and three years earlier, depending on region. In the event of a "Tambora-like" eruption, modern climate models predict weather patterns precisely the opposite of those observed by Buckingham.

Chapter 1: Prelude: The Roman World Transformed (c.300-c.600) -- A Christianized Empire -- 1.1 Toleration or favoritism? Edict of Milan (313) -- 1.2 Law: The Theodosian Code (438) -- 1.3 Plague: Gregory the Great, Letter to Bishop Dominic of Carthage (600) -- Heresy and Orthodoxy -- 1.4 Heretics: A Donatist Sermon (c.318) -- 1.5 Orthodoxy's declaration: The Nicene Creed (325) -- Patristic Thought -- 1.6 Relating this world to the next: Augustine, The City of God (413-426) -- 1.7 Monasticism: The Benedictine Rule (c.530-c.560) -- Saintly Models -- 1.8 The virginal life: Jerome, Letter 24 (To Marcella) (384) -- 1.9 The eremetical life: Athanasius, Life of St. Antony of Egypt (357) -- 1.10 The active life: Sulpicius Severus, The Life of St. Martin of Tours (397) -- 1.11 St. Radegund as ascetic: Venantius Fortunatus, The Life of St. Radegund (before c.600) -- 1.12 St. Radegund as relic collector: Baudonivia, The Life of St. Radegund (c.600) -- Barbarian Kingdoms -- 1.13 Gothic Italy as Rome's heir: Cassiodorus, Variae (State Papers) (c.507-536) -- 1.14 Gothic Spain converts: The Third Council of Toledo (589) -- 1.15 Merovingian Gaul's bishop-historian: Gregory of Tours, History (576-594) -- Chapter 2: The Emergence of Sibling Cultures (c.600-c.750) -- The Resilience of Byzantium -- 2.1 Byzantine village life and the education of a saint: The Life of St. Theodore of Sykeon (7th c.) -- 2.2 The argument for icons: John of Damascus, On Holy Images (730s or early 750s) -- 2.3 The iconoclastic argument: The Synod of 754 -- 2.4 Vilifying the iconoclasts: The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor (before 818) -- The Formation of the Islamic World -- 2.5 Pre-Islamic Arabic poetry: Al-A'sha, Bid Hurayra Farewell (before 625) -- 2.6 The sacred text: Qur'an Suras 1, 53:1-18, 81, 87, 96, 98 (c.610-622) -- 2.7 Umayyad diplomacy: The Treaty of Tudmir (713) -- 2.8 Taxation: A Tax Demand in Egypt (710) -- 2.9 Praising the caliph: Al-Akhtal, The Tribe Has Departed (c.692) -- The Impoverished but Inventive West -- 2.10 A world explained by words: Isidore of Seville, Etymologies (c.615-c.630) -- 2.11 A modern martyr in Francia: The Passion of Leudegar (680s) -- 2.12 The settlement of disputes: Judgment of Childebert III (709 or 710) -- 2.13 Reforming the Continental church: Letters to Boniface (723-726) -- 2.14 Creating a Roman Christian identity for England: Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People (731) Chapter 7: Discordant Harmonies (c.1250-c.1350) -- East Central Europe in Flux -- 7.1 The Mongol Challenge: The Secret History of the Mongols (first half of the 13th c.) -- 7.2 A Mongol reply to the pope: Guyuk Khan, Letter to Pope Innocent IV (1246) -- 7.3 The Hungarian king bewails the Mongol invasions: Bela IV, Letter to Pope Innocent IV (c.1250) -- 7.4 Poland as a frontier society: The Henrykow Book (c.1268) -- 7.5 The Lithuanian duke flirts with Christianity: Duke Gediminas, Letter to Pope John XXII (1322) and Letter to the Burghers of Lubeck, Rostock, Stralsund, Griefswald, Stettin, and Gotland (May 26, 1323) -- 7.6 Pagan Lithuania in Christian Europe: Peter of Dusburg, Chronicle of the Prussian Land (c.1320-1326) -- 7.7 Bulgaria claims a saint: The Short Life of St. Petka (Paraskeve) of Tarnov (13th c.) -- 7.8 Bulgaria and Venice regularize commercial relations: Oath and Treaty (1347) -- Transformations in the Cities -- 7.9 The popolo gains power: The Ghibelline Annals of Piacenza (1250) -- 7.10 The Hanseatic League: Decrees of the League (1260-1264) -- 7.11 Food scarcity at Constantinople: Athanasius I, Patriarch of Constantinople, Letter (1306-1307) -- 7.12 Too big to fail? A Great Bank Petitions the City Council of Siena (1298) -- Heresies and Persecutions -- 7.13 Inquisition: Jacques Fournier, Episcopal Register (1318-1325) -- 7.14 Procedures for isolating lepers: Sarum Manual (based on materials from c.1360s) -- 7.15 Jews in England: Statute of the Jewry (1275) and Petition of the "Commonalty" of the Jews (shortly after 1275) -- Rulers and Ruled -- 7.16 A charismatic ruler: Joinville, The Life of St. Louis (1272) -- 7.17 The commons participate: Summons of Representatives of Shires and Towns to Parliament (1295) -- 7.18 The pope throws down the gauntlet: Boniface VIII, Clericis laicos (1296) -- 7.19 The pope reacts again: Boniface VIII, Unam sanctam (1302) -- 7.20 The French king responds to Boniface: William of Plaisians, Charges of Heresy against Boniface VIII (1303) -- 7.21 Assembly of the Estates General in Paris: Grand Chronicles of France (1314) -- Modes of Thought, Feeling, and Devotion -- 7.22 Scholasticism: Thomas Aquinas, Summa against the Gentiles (1259-1264) -- 7.23 The vernacular comes into its own: Dante, Inferno, Canto V (Paolo and Francesca); Paradiso, Canto XXII (Meeting with St. Benedict) (1313-1321) -- 7.24 Medieval drama: Directions for an Annunciation Play (14th c.) -- 7.25 The feast of Corpus Christi: The Life of Juliana of Mont-Cornillon (1261-1264) -- Chapter 8: Catastrophe and Creativity (c.1350-c.1500) -- The Plague -- 8.1 A medical view: Nicephorus Gregoras, Roman History (1350s) -- 8.2 Processions at Damascus: Ibn Battuta, Travels (before 1368) -- 8.3 Prayers at York: Archbishop William, Letter to His Official at York (July 1348) -- 8.4 Blaming the Jews: Heinrich von Diessenhoven, On the Persecution of the Jews (c.1350) -- 8.5 A legislative response: Ordinances against the Spread of Plague at Pistoia (1348) -- The Ottomans -- 8.6 A Turkish hero: Ashikpashazade, Othman Comes to Power (late 15th c.) -- 8.7 Diplomacy: Peace Agreement between the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II and the Signoria of Venice (January 25, 1478) -- Byzantium: Decline and Fall -- 8.8 Before the fall: Patriarch Anthony, Letter to the Russian Church (1395) -- 8.9 The fall bewailed: George Sphrantzes, Chronicle (before 1477) -- 8.10 After the fall: Archbishop Genady of Novgorod and Dmitry Gerasimov, The Tale of the White Cowl (end of the 15th c.) -- War and Social Unrest -- 8.11 Chivalric and non-chivalric models: Froissart, Chronicles (c.1400) -- 8.12 National feeling: Jeanne d'Arc, Letter to the English (1429) -- 8.13 Patriotism in Italy: Petro Gentili's Speech to the Council and Citizens of Lucca (1397) -- 8.14 The commons revolt: Wat Tyler's Rebellion (after 1381) -- Crises and Changes in the Church and Religion -- 8.15 The conciliarist movement: Jean Gerson, Sermon at the Council of Constance (1415) -- 8.16 Taking part in the life of Christ: The Book of Margery Kempe (c.1430) -- 8.17 The Hussite program: The Four Articles of Prague (1420) -- The Renaissance -- 8.18 Re-evaluating antiquity: Cincius Romanus, Letter to His Most Learned Teacher Franciscus de Fiana (1416) -- 8.19 A new theory of art: Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting (1435-1436) -- 8.20 Defending women: Christine de Pisan, The Book of the City of Ladies (1404-1407) -- Finding a New World -- 8.21 A new kind of map: Gabriel de Valseca, Portolan Map (1447) -- 8.22 Taking Mexico: Hernan Cortes, The Second Letter (1520)