Suchergebnisse

Introduction: Digital Data as a Political Object -- Chapter 1: Digital Data Protection as a Human Right -- Chapter 2: The Early Years: National Origins of Digital Human Rights -- Chapter 3: EU-level -- Chapter 4: Digital Human Rights Expansion by Epistemic Actors, and the Role of Working Party 29 -- Chapter 5: Exporting the digital human Rights Norm -- Chapter 6: The Future of Technology and Digital Human Rights.

The Catholic Church has traditionally raised four objections to the doctrine of human rights in its liberal version: the lack of reference to God as the source of human rights, individualism, the absence of a list of human duties accompanying individual rights, and the doctrine's vulnerability to proliferation and creative interpretation of those rights. The paper mainly focuses on the first two concerns. From the point of view of secular liberalism, the idea of God appears as an unnecessary by-product of the process of human evolution. From the point of view of Christianity, creation in the image and likeness of God is the source of man's inalienable dignity, and serves, at the same time, to safeguard his rights from reinterpretation by the state, should the state consider itself the source of such rights. Christianity presents man as an inherently social being, with two communities, i.e., the family and the nation, that are recognized as natural. Liberal individualism views people as a collection of elementary particles that collide with one another but never connect. The difference is fundamental when it comes to attitudes towards obligations prior to individual decisions, but also when it comes to a person's emotional backing. The human being, therefore, seeks to create either family-type ties, or merely ones based on a voluntary contract. It is a paradox that the more atomized a society is, the more necessary a strong state becomes to guarantee individual rights and a sense of security in times of crisis. As a result, a system called statist individualism comes to existence. Religion not only reveals the ultimate meaning of human life and the reasons for which it is worthwhile to be human, but it has also been a source of public morality. The liberal concept of neutrality and the privatization of religion reopen the question of the axiological foundations of the state. On the one hand, why, in the end, should people obey state laws when the state itself convinces them that they are morally neutral? On the other hand, this raises the question of the preferred model of education. From the point of view of the state and society, can a culturally and axiologically neutral education, in which children are taught about what is allowed and what is forbidden by law, but not about what is morally right and wrong, be sufficient? One answer suggests that a liberal state conceived in this way is unstable, and able to exist only for a while. The alternative would be a liberal state that is imperfect, culturally charged, and open to the presence of the Church as a public and publicly meaningful authority.
Benedict XVI, in a discussion on Marcello Pera's interpretation of the doctrine on human rights, says: "It was only thanks to your book that it became clear to me how much the encyclical Pacem in terris had set a new direction in thinking. I was aware of the strong influence of the encyclical on Italian politics: it gave a decisive impulse to the opening of Christian Democracy to leftist views. However, I did not realize to what great an extent it signified a new premise also to the basis of the party's thinking". Pera himself believes that the Church, by making the doctrine of human rights part of the Church Magisterium, proclaimed "by virtue of the Gospel committed to her" (Gaudium et spes, 41) has fallen into a "liberal trap".

This volume is a collective study of the two leading conceptions of human rights: as natural moral rights that we have simply in virtue of being human, or as rights that play a distinctive role in modern politics. Each chapter is accompanied by a probing commentary; the authors are leading figures from philosophy, law, and political science.

This open access book provides a comprehensive analysis of the EU's crucial support for the implementation of the Havana Peace Agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP. It explores the use of new approaches and instruments that, despite some limitations and criticisms, could go beyond conventional liberal peace and provide useful lessons. Particular attention is paid to three axes: strengthening civil society, protection of human rights and a territorial peace perspective, as a contribution to the "local turn" in peace policies. The book first outlines the background of the conflict, the EU's two-decade defense of a negotiated peace, and the complexities of the peace process. Then, it analyses the development cooperation and political support provided in different areas: the collective reinsertion of ex-guerrillas, women and gender initiatives, the rights of ethnic communities, the sophisticated transitional justice system, as well as activities on reconciliation, victims and protection of human rights defenders.

The article considers the issue of observance by the bodies of the National Police of Ukraine of human right to freedom from torture or inhuman treatment or punishment. The practice of the European Court of Human Rights testifies that Ukrainians are increasingly applying to the Court for violations of the prohibition of torture or inhuman treatment by the police. The authors noted that the responsibility of the bodies of the National Police of Ukraine to prevent violations of human rights to freedom from torture or inhuman treatment was enshrined both in national law and in international legal documents, especially in the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of 1950. The application of the provisions of the Convention, as well as the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights as an integral part of its law enforcement practice, will contribute to the development of the protection of human rights in Ukraine. Summarizing the practice of the European Court of Human Rights in relation to Ukraine regarding violations of Article 3 of the Convention, the authors of the research singled out certain requirements that are binding on the bodies of the National Police of Ukraine. The observance of national legislation, application of the provisions of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the practice of the European Court of Human Rights will contribute the increasing of the public trust and respect for the law enforcement agencies, including the National Police of Ukraine and improving the efficiency of the Ukrainian justice system.

This article assesses the European Court of Human Rights' possible responses to post-COVID-19 misinformation laws. These laws are intended to protect society but may become dangerous weapons if used by governments wishing to silence opponents. We identify four categories of speech restrictions that appeared during the COVID-19 pandemic. We then present the recent misinformation laws from Council of Europe member states as well as various potential arguments when cases appear before the Court, and assess their potential weight. We also analyze the expected post-pandemic development of the European Convention on Human Rights' Article 10 jurisprudence.

'Human Rights at the Crossroads' brings together preeminent and emerging voices within human rights studies to think creatively about problems beyond their own disciplines, and to critically respond to what appear to be intractable problems within human rights theory and practice. It provides an integrative and interdisciplinary answer to the existing academic status quo, with broad implications for future theory and practice in all fields dealing with the problems of human rights theory and practice.

Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Preface -- I. Introduction -- 1. Human rights in the United Nations -- 2. Classification of human rights -- 3. Civil rights in Finland -- 4. Finland in the United Nations -- 5. Rights and policies in Finland -- II. Life and liberty -- 1. The right to life (3) -- 2. The right to personal liberty (3, 4, 9, 10, 11) -- 3. The right to human dignity (5, 6) -- 4. The right to privacy (12) -- 5. The right to asylum (14) -- III. Independence -- 1. The right of domicile and the right to mobility -- 2. The right to marry and the rights in marriage (16) -- 3. The right to property (17) -- 4. The right to believe (18) -- 5. The right to communicate (19) -- 6. The right to assembly and association (20) -- IV. Participation -- 1. The right to participate in government (21) -- 2. The right to education (26) -- 3. The right to culture (27) -- 4. Rights and duties to the community (29) -- V. Security -- 1. The right to legal remedies (7, 8) -- 2. The right to work (23) -- 3. The right to a livelihood (22, 24, 25) -- 4. The right to a social and international order (28) -- VI. Equality and non-discrimination (1, 2, 15) -- 1. Race and colour -- 2. Sex -- 3. Language -- 4. Religion, political or other opinion, birth, national origin, nationality, other status -- VII. Concluding observations -- 1. The human rights policy process in Finland -- 2. An international human rights régime? -- Annexes -- 1. Universal Declaration of Human Rights -- 2. International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights -- 3. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights -- 4. Reservations made by Finland to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights -- 5. Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights -- 6. Chapter II of the Constitution of Finland.

Von AIDS sind in Sambia Mädchen viel häufiger betroffen als Jungen. Der Human Rights Watch-Report zeigt, dass dies auch auf sexuellen Missbrauch und andere Menschenrechtsverletzungen zurückzuführen ist, denen die Mädchen, zumal wenn sie AIDS-Waisen sind, zum Opfer fallen. Ältere Männer, so genannte "Sugar Daddies", nehmen sich der Waisen an, beuten sie aber tatsächlich (sexuell) aus. Das Verhalten wird weder gesellschaftlich ausreichend sanktioniert noch staatlicherseits ausreichend verfolgt. Um zu überleben und für ihr Auskommen (und das ihrer Geschwister) zu sorgen, können die Mädchen es sich nicht erlauben, ihre Peiniger anzuzeigen, viele sehen sich sogar gezwungen, der Prostitution nachzugehen. (DÜI-Sbd)