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Статья посвящена истории обновленческого раскола в Донской и Новочеркасской епархии и роли в этом процессе «архиепископа» Мелхиседека (Николаева, он же Николев, Николин). Опираясь на широкий круг архивных источников и материалы периодических изданий 1920-х гг., автор показывает, что обновленческий раскол на Дону был инициирован «архиепископом» Мелхиседеком при поддержке Донского областного ГПУ. При помощи этого органа 18 июня 1922 г. в Новочеркасске был создан епархиальный обновленческий комитет. Его организация стала причиной отказа правящего архиепископа Митрофана (Симашкевича) от дальнейшего руководства епархией. Локализованное в Новочеркасске обновленчество начало распространяться по епархии только после ареста оппозиционно настроенного новочеркасского духовенства. Приходские священнослужители, безропотно подчинившиеся власти «архиепископа» Мелхиседека, были дезинформированы, полагая, что он является легитимным правопреемником ушедшего «на покой» митрополита Митрофана. Несмотря на быстрое распространение обновленчества, радикальные реформы в донском регионе не проводились, поскольку и духовенство, и прихожане Донской и Новочеркасской епархии отличались консервативностью. После освобождения из-под ареста 26 июня 1923 г. Патриарха Тихона на Дону как среди духовенства, так и среди активных мирян, число которых было незначительным, началось стихийное противообновленческое движение. Решающим этапом в его организации стала епископская хиротония протоиерея Захарии Лобова. Появление у церковного кормила активного епископа с выраженной позицией стало причиной как возвращения к церковному руководству митрополита Митрофана, так и приходов епархии. Массовый отход донских приходов от обновленческого церковного управления стал причиной ареста епископа Захарии и его наиболее активных последователей ; The article deals with the history of the renovationist schism in the Diocese of Don and Novocherkassk and with the role played in that process by "Archbishop" Melchizedek (also known as Nikolayev, Nikolev, or Nikolin). Based on a wide range of archive sources and materials of the 1920s periodicals, the author shows that the renovationist schism in the Don area was initiated by "Archbishop" Melchizedek supported by the State Political Directorate of Don Oblast. On 18 June 1922, supported by that governmental body, there was established an eparchial renovationist committee in Novocherkassk, which was the reason why Archbishop Mitrofan (Simashkevich) refused to be the head of the Diocese any longer. The renovationism localized in Novocherkassk started to spread all over the Diocese only after the arrest of the opposition Novocerkassk clergy. The parish priests who obeyed submissively to the authority of "Archbishop" Melchizedek were misinformed and so believed that he was the legitimate successor of Metropolitan Mitrofan who had "retired". Regardless of the fast dissemination of renovationism, there were no radical reforms in the Don area as both the priests and the church people of the Diocese of Don and Novocherkassk were quite conservative. After Patriarch Tikhon had been released from prison on 26 June 1923, there started spontaneous anti-renovationist movement, both among the priests and the active laity who were not numerous though. The decisive organizational stage for the movement was the episcopal cheirotonia of Archpriest Zacharia Lobov. The coming of an active bishop to the church helm became the reason both for Metropolitan Mitrofan's return to the church administration and eparchial parishes. And the big number of the Don parishes leaving the renovationist church administration were the reason for the arrests of Bishop Zacharia and his most active followers.

Cada 23 de agosto se rememora en la Provincia de Jujuy (Argentina) un acontecimiento histórico de gran significación para el contexto regional y nacional. El Éxodo Jujeño se erige como el más relevante mito fundador de la historia oficial local, en tanto sobre él se establece toda una simbología en la que se asienta la identidad cultural de los/as jujeños/ as. Sin embargo, su relevancia desborda los límites regionales: al mismo tiempo, se constituye como uno de los hechos más representativos de la historia nacional en la coyuntura de la desvinculación de nuestro territorio del Reino de España en el siglo XIX. En este sentido, este trabajo se propone analizar la serie de avisos gráficos emitidos por el Gobierno de Jujuy en el año 2012 con motivo del Bicentenario del Éxodo Jujeño, en tanto en estas piezas –de alto contenido semántico y simbólico– se recuperan representaciones y categorizaciones presentes en el imaginario local respecto de diversos aspectos que constituyen y delinean la identidad local jujeña y que son utilizadas por los sectores hegemónicos en la construcción de sentidos y discursos dominantes. Para ello, siguiendo una metodología semiótica de análisis de repertorios visuales, se trabaja con la propaganda difundida en los dos diarios de referencia dominante: Pregón y El Tribuno de Jujuy, identificando tópicos que recurren a imágenes, relatos y mitos de fuerte carga simbólica que exaltan los más profundos sentimientos localistas en una constante referencia a la pertenencia nacional. ; Every August 23 in the Province of Jujuy (Argentina) a historic event is commemorated. Such event, known as Éxodo Jujeño, is considered of a great importance in the regional and national context since it stands as the most important founding myth of the local official story. The Éxodo Jujeño contains a whole symbology that defines the cultural identity of Jujuy. However, the significance of this event goes beyond the limits of the local and regional context, and at the same time integrates one of the most significant facts of national history related to the untying of the national territory of the Kingdom of Spain in the nineteen century. The aim of this research is to discuss the advertising companies published by the Government of Jujuy in 2012 in the commemoration of the bicentenary of the Éxodo Jujeño. These advertising contains representations and categorization that can be found in the local imaginary, and at the same time various aspects that constitute and limit the local identity of Jujuy. Such simbology is often used by the hegemonic sectors in the construction of meanings and dominant discourses. To this end, a semiotic analysis will be performed on visual codes present in propaganda spread in two local prevailing newspapers: Pregón and El Tribuno de Jujuy, identifying topics that use images, stories and myths with a strong symbolic meaning exalting the local deepest feeling with a constant reference to the national belonging. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

To what extent is it possible for a social movement to transform a public education system in order to promote an alternative social vision? Under what conditions can this implementation occur within the bureaucratic state apparatus, at the regional and national level? How does state-society collaboration develop, in contexts where civil society groups and the state have opposing interests? This dissertation addresses these questions through an investigation of the educational initiatives of the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, or MST), a national social movement of rural workers struggling for agrarian reform. MST activists have been able to implement educational proposals in rural public schools that encourage youth to stay in the countryside, foster a sense of belonging to the movement, promote collective forms of work, and practice participatory governance. Part I provides an overview of the multi-level and multi-sited political ethnographic approach used to conduct this research. It then reviews the literature on social movements and state-society relations, and considers how a Gramscian framework can be used to analyze how social movements implement educational proposals in public schools that are opposed to the interests of the dominant class. Part II examines the history and national expansion of the MST's educational initiative: how activists first developed their educational proposals; why the movement went from promoting popular education to participating in the public educational sphere; and why and how the federal government appropriated these ideas as a new approach to rural schooling, known as Educação do Campo (Education of the Countryside). Part III explores the MST's attempt to transform public schools in three state educational systems and two municipalities, and why the MST's success differs drastically across the country depending on the state capacity, government orientation, and level of MST mobilization in each region. Comparison of the outcomes in these subnational cases yield new and unexpected insights into the relationships and conditions that lead to or impede participatory governance: (1) low-capacity governments and weak institutions can offer unusual openings for social movements to implement participatory initiatives; (2) high-capacity state antagonism negates the positive effects of mobilization; (3) not-so-public forms of contention are an effective strategy that social movements can use to engage the state and participate in the provision of public goods; (4) technocracy is a significant barrier to participatory practices, even among supportive governments; and, (5) state-society collaboration is not possible if the leadership of a social movement does not have a strong connection to its base. Significantly, this research shows that the implementation of a social movement's goals through the state apparatus does not always lead to movement cooptation or decline. Additionally, public schools, normally institutions reproducing state power, can be used by marginalized communities to support alternative social visions. However, the case of the MST also illustrates that this process is never straightforward, easy, or permanent, as it requires communities to first develop a common vision, and then work with, in, and through the ever-changing power structures to implement this vision.

La antropología desde sus orígenes —más allá de sus encomiables fines científicos— estuvo involucrada en política públicas nacionales en relación a la dominación de territorios, recursos naturales, fuerza de trabajo y culturas. Su rol nunca fue acrítico de su papel, sino que al calor de esas prácticas, produjo reflexiones básicas para la crítica del colonialismo en espacios lejanos a la tradición de Occidente, donde nació. La antropología social en Argentina no es ajena a esta trayectoria. Pero a partir de fines de 1960 pasó a involucrarse —con discontinuidades, marcadas por dictaduras— en políticas públicas y en procesos de desarrollo en comunidades rurales. El artículo además de reseñar esa trayectoria de compromiso con lo 'aplicado', propone discutir apoyado en 'un caso', 3 aspectos teóricos centrales : 1) las relaciones de poder y cultura en los procesos de desarrollo desde que se acuñó el término "colonialismo interno"; 2) el papel del antropólogo en la construcción del 'sujeto colectivo de proyecto', o las formas de gestionar la participación de los 'supuestos beneficiarios' en la elaboración, participación y control de proyectos de desarrollo localizados, como de políticas públicas; y 3) la indispensable necesidad de introducir el trabajo interdisciplinario y la construcción de equipos, tanto para las evaluaciones de políticas públicas, como para su elaboración y análisis contextual, donde la cultura política de las instituciones, como de la sociedad local, juegan un rol fundamental. En el artículo se debaten estas cuestiones teórico-metodológicas sobre un proyecto de desarrollo en el noroeste argentino, cuyos ecos llegan hasta el presente. ; Since its origins, Anthropology - beyond its commendable scientific purposes - was involved in national public policies in relation to the domination of territories, natural resources, labor and cultures. His role was never uncritical of these targets; on the contrary, it resulted in basic practices and ideas to criticize colonialism in traditions outside the Western Civilization, where Anthropology was conceived. The development of Social anthropology in Argentina is far from this trayectory. Nevertheless, from late 1960 onwards, it begun to be engaged in public policies and development processes in rural communities - with discontinuities shaped by different dictatorships. In this article, I will review the brief history of the applied anthropology in Argentina and I will discuss the theoretical and methodological issues of a project developed in an Indian rural community in northwestern Argentina, whose echoes remains until today. Based on this case study, the aim of this article is to discuss the following theoretical aspects: 1) the relationship of power and culture inside process of development, especially since the term "internal colonialism" was coined; 2) the role of the anthropologist in the construction of 'the collective subject of a project', or the ways of managing the participation of the 'intended beneficiaries' in the development, participation and control of particular development projects, as well as public policies; and 3) the imperative need of putting at the front row of public policies' contextual analysis, inception and evaluation the interdisciplinary work and team building. It is in this context where the political culture of the local society and institutions plays a fundamental role.

Financial and economic crises are recurrent in history. A special issue of Histoire Urbaine (33, 1 (2012)), entitled 'Villes européennes et crises financières (XIVe-XVIe siècles)', shows that in the medieval and early modern period cities played a crucial role in the development of such crises, just as they do today. Several case-studies on France, Spain and the Low Countries demonstrate that cities are and were financial and commercial centres which were governed by a small group of merchants, bankers and powerful families. And, as David Sassu-Normand notes in his introduction, medieval and early modern municipal authorities were even more adept than their twenty-first century counterparts in disposing of political power in order to tackle economic and financial difficulties. The close relationship between money and power in those cities made it easier for elite factions to abuse public revenues, because they could autonomously decide about urban spending and its fiscal consequences. Yet, he argues, the tied relationship between urban governors and the city's economy and finances could also have positive effects. Markets and budgets were not autonomous entities, because they were embedded in urban societies and manipulated by those who govern them. As a result, urban governors disposed of the political means to deal with financial crises, or at least to remedy some of their consequences. The case of late medieval Brabant, studied by Claire Billen and David Kusman in the same issue, shows that not only urban oligarchs but also less powerful citizens could intervene in the financial politics of a town ('Les villes du Brabant face à la crise des finances du duché de Jean II. La crise d'une société entière?', 63–80). In the duchy of Brabant, in around 1300, the ducal and urban finances were under considerable pressure due to warfare, manipulation of the mint and an economic downturn. In the principal cities of the duchy (Brussels, Antwerp and Louvain), discrete groups of citizens, such as craftsmen and self-made merchants, forcefully protested against the monetary and fiscal measures taken by the urban authorities. Their protests were not initially successful. By the 1360s, however, urban society had changed in Brabant. Both Billen and Kusman argue that the ideas that inspired the urban protests of the 1300s led to new, more successful revolts in the 1360s and afterwards. As a result, craftsmen gained rights of political participation in the cities mentioned. Using their newly gained political power, the rebels proposed constructive solutions to resolve the ongoing financial crisis in the cities of the duchy. The measures taken reflected the existence of a belief that the urban government should be fiscally sound and stable, and that it should not live beyond its means. Fiscal reforms led to more stable urban finances, though new challenges in the fifteenth century would upset the balance again. In short, the Brabantine case shows, once again, that politics and finance are closely knit together in the medieval city, but also, and more surprisingly, that social protest against headstrong governors ultimately led to far-reaching political and fiscal reforms. Therefore, this stimulating issue of Histoire Urbaine demonstrates that financial crises can have an unpredictable outcome.

The main objective of the new french policy concerning forestry is to increase the national production of wood by promoting unexploited forests. Indeed the aim is, by means of a wood-energy network, to meet the commitments made by the State in terms of fight against global warming, but also to boost an economic sector facing a serious foreign trade deficit. This wood resource can mainly be found in forests whose exploitation has been given up, following the 20th century movement of land abandonment. And yet, thanks to a maturation of the ecosystem, these unexploited forests have become areas with a remarkable biodiversity. Through the example of the Dordogne upper valley we examine the opportunities for a conciliation of both energy and ecology challenges in these forests. Their aspect is that of a former coppice now abandoned with its undergrowth filled with hundreds of sites, remnants of an intense charcoal burning activity during Modern Times. Marked by their important energy production in the past the paradox is that they are nowadays considered as natural areas to be protected. Through a geohistoric and ethnographic approach we tackle the issue of the socio-economic and territorial conditions in which this charcoal-burning activity took place. The anthracology of the sites enables us to study the effects of this centuries-old practice on today's overall appearance of the forest. This social history of unexploited forests demonstrates the advantages to integrate ancient forestry practices to the actions set up for the protection of nature to reconcile energy and ecology challenges in sustainable development projects for territories subject to agricultural abandonment. ; La nouvelle politique forestière française a pour principal objectif d'accroître la récolte nationale de bois en mobilisant les forêts non exploitées. Il s'agit au travers d'une filière bois-énergie de répondre aux engagements de l'Etat en terme de lutte contre le réchauffement climatique ainsi que de dynamiser un secteur économique largement déficitaire dans son commerce extérieur. Cette ressource en bois se trouve majoritairement dans les forêts dont l'exploitation a été abandonnée dans le mouvement de la déprise rurale du 20e siècle. Or, par une maturation de leurs écosystèmes, ces forêts en friches sont devenues des espaces de biodiversité remarquables. Au travers de l'exemple de la haute vallée de la Dordogne, nous interrogeons les possibilités d'une conciliation des enjeux énergétiques et écologiques dans ces forêts. Leur physionomie est celle d'un ancien taillis abandonné contenant dans le sous-bois des centaines de plateformes, vestiges d'un charbonnage intense durant les Temps Modernes. Marquées par leur important passé énergétique, elles sont paradoxalement considérées aujourd'hui comme des espaces de nature à protéger. Par une approche géohistorique et ethnographique, nous abordons le cadre socio-économique et territorial dans lequel s'est mis en place ce charbonnage. L'anthracologie des plateformes de charbonnage permet d'étudier les effets de cette exploitation pluriséculaire sur les sylvofaciès. Cette histoire sociale des forêts en friches montre l'intérêt d'intégrer les pratiques forestières anciennes aux actions de protection de la nature pour concilier enjeux énergétiques et écologiques dans des projets de développement durable des territoires en déprise.

The main objective of the new french policy concerning forestry is to increase the national production of wood by promoting unexploited forests. Indeed the aim is, by means of a wood-energy network, to meet the commitments made by the State in terms of fight against global warming, but also to boost an economic sector facing a serious foreign trade deficit. This wood resource can mainly be found in forests whose exploitation has been given up, following the 20th century movement of land abandonment. And yet, thanks to a maturation of the ecosystem, these unexploited forests have become areas with a remarkable biodiversity. Through the example of the Dordogne upper valley we examine the opportunities for a conciliation of both energy and ecology challenges in these forests. Their aspect is that of a former coppice now abandoned with its undergrowth filled with hundreds of sites, remnants of an intense charcoal burning activity during Modern Times. Marked by their important energy production in the past the paradox is that they are nowadays considered as natural areas to be protected. Through a geohistoric and ethnographic approach we tackle the issue of the socio-economic and territorial conditions in which this charcoal-burning activity took place. The anthracology of the sites enables us to study the effects of this centuries-old practice on today's overall appearance of the forest. This social history of unexploited forests demonstrates the advantages to integrate ancient forestry practices to the actions set up for the protection of nature to reconcile energy and ecology challenges in sustainable development projects for territories subject to agricultural abandonment. ; La nouvelle politique forestière française a pour principal objectif d'accroître la récolte nationale de bois en mobilisant les forêts non exploitées. Il s'agit au travers d'une filière bois-énergie de répondre aux engagements de l'Etat en terme de lutte contre le réchauffement climatique ainsi que de dynamiser un secteur économique largement déficitaire dans son commerce extérieur. Cette ressource en bois se trouve majoritairement dans les forêts dont l'exploitation a été abandonnée dans le mouvement de la déprise rurale du 20e siècle. Or, par une maturation de leurs écosystèmes, ces forêts en friches sont devenues des espaces de biodiversité remarquables. Au travers de l'exemple de la haute vallée de la Dordogne, nous interrogeons les possibilités d'une conciliation des enjeux énergétiques et écologiques dans ces forêts. Leur physionomie est celle d'un ancien taillis abandonné contenant dans le sous-bois des centaines de plateformes, vestiges d'un charbonnage intense durant les Temps Modernes. Marquées par leur important passé énergétique, elles sont paradoxalement considérées aujourd'hui comme des espaces de nature à protéger. Par une approche géohistorique et ethnographique, nous abordons le cadre socio-économique et territorial dans lequel s'est mis en place ce charbonnage. L'anthracologie des plateformes de charbonnage permet d'étudier les effets de cette exploitation pluriséculaire sur les sylvofaciès. Cette histoire sociale des forêts en friches montre l'intérêt d'intégrer les pratiques forestières anciennes aux actions de protection de la nature pour concilier enjeux énergétiques et écologiques dans des projets de développement durable des territoires en déprise.

Facing unsustainable economies, why are some regimes successful in recovering by instituting drastic reform of the economic system, while others fail? If a country's leaders implement some reforms, why do they later reverse them? Why do some governments that come to power on mandates to reverse reform not fulfill their promises? Some scholars argue that government leaders' ideologies strongly influence their economic policy decisions. Others argue that ideology does not matter in developing countries because ideologically defined parties do not follow their ideologically framed preference after they come to power. For example, the first group of scholars would consider President Menem's drastic economic reform a major deviation from his party but identify as an outlier. On the contrary, the latter group would identify the occasion as an example of how ideology does not matter in developing democracies. This dissertation asks an empirical question: does ideology really influence economic policies in developing countries? My view is that during economic crisis, partisanship does not impact governments' efforts to correct the failing economic situations. This in turn leads to another empirical question: what systematic factors make ideology irrelevant in economically dismal times? When testing the impact of partisanship on economic policy, the literature usually treats government as one entity and scholars use the percentage of left or right in legislature as a proxy for ideological orientation of government. However, I suggest disaggregating government into at least two entities: executive and legislative and looking at agenda setting executives' and government parties' ideologies separately. History has shown that in some presidential systems executives often times deviate from their own party agenda. I argue that it is not because ideology does not matter in developing democracies that governments tighten their budget and adopt structural adjustments, but rather it is because the calculation of costs and benefits change due to external pressure and failing economy. Economic crisis renders the status quo unsustainable and beneficial to nobody so that coalitions of interests and veto players, which blocked or wished for reversal, will no longer exert their oppositions, and we see less of ideological influence on economic policies. To test the validity of my arguments, I conduct statistical analyses on the panel data of developing countries. I use several measures of ideology: executive party's ideology regarding economic policy, the usual percentage of left in legislature, the existence of left-wing veto player in legislature, and the categorized percentage of left in legislature. I use the measures of inflation, external debt as % GDP, and official development aid as % GDP to define economic unsustainability. I test how ideology and economic unsustainability affect the executives' efforts to reform, which I indexed by investigating the executives' proposals and statements and Economist Intelligence Unit's reports. Then, I test how ideology, economic unsustainability, and the executives' reform efforts affect the level of budget balance. Lastly, I disaggregate budgets to study whether partisanship affects social spending as government's way to compensate the group that lose most from reform. I find that at the end, both left-wing and right-wing increase social security and welfare spending when government initiate reform during economically difficult times.

El autor es un experto implicado en el proceso de diseño curricular vivido en Chile desde la promulgación del LOCE en 1990. El artículo, Basándose en esta experiencia, el artículo describe con detalle este proceso. Muestra las claves, circunstancias y momentos del proceso de construcción y desarrollo de una reforma curricular. Da cuenta de los procesos y contextos que intervienen en ello. Señala que tiene un proceso de construcción política. Pero no sólo se deben a este tipo de decisiones (como marco ideológico y social de decisiones y poder). Los procesos reflexivos que acompañan la toma de decisiones y los cursos de acción generados son importantes. Como también lo es la historia. Incluso los lineamientos curriculares y las presiones hacia el cambio que se den globalmente pueden influir bastante. Así muestra como en Chile, a pesar de partir de una política educativa en la que no había entrado la idea de currículum, ésta empieza a emerger conforme se va construyendo su desarrollo práctico y curricular. De todas las lecciones aprendidas en el proceso destaca que son componentes clave del proceso la participación y la innovación. Argumenta que hay razones sustantivas y políticas para ello. La primera es clave para que el profesorado se apropie de la propuesta de reforma y la haga posible. Por último, destaca que se produce un desarrollo de las capacidades institucionales de diseño y desarrollo curricular en la medida que se ponen en marcha y acumulan procesos de este tipo. ; The author is an expert implied in the process of curricular design lived in Chile from the promulgation of the LOCE in 1990. The article, being Based on this experience, the article describes with detail this process. It shows the keys, circumstances and moments of the construction process and development of a curricular reformation. She gives bill of the processes and contexts that intervene in it. It points out that she has a process of political construction. But they are not only due to this type of decisions (like ideological and social mark of decisions and power). The reflexive processes that accompany the taking of decisions and the generated action courses are important. As well as it is it the history. Even the curricular limits and the pressures toward the change that they are given globally can influence enough. This way sample like in Chile, in spite of leaving of an educational politics in which the curriculum idea had not entered, this begins to emerge she conforms to she goes building its practical and curricular development. Of all the lessons learned in the process it highlights that they are component key of the process the participation and the innovation. She argues that there are substantives and political reasons for it. The first one is key so that the faculty appropriates of the reformation proposal and he makes it possible. Lastly, it highlights that she takes place a development of the institutional capacities of design and curricular development in the measure that they start and they accumulate processes of this type. ; Grupo de Investigación FORCE (Formación Centrada en la Escuela). Universidad de Granada

ABSTRACT: Unemployment has been one of the main factors that have obstructed the achievement of universal health insurance in Colombia, just as Law 100 of 1993 proposed to reach. Those workers that had a history of labour life and lost their posts lack health insurance in a large percentage as well as their close relatives. In this way, they remain exposed to lose the family economical resources if any of the members requires health services he/she should pay for. Objective: the primary objective of this research was to establish the socio-economic characteristics of this population, its level of health insurance and the duration of the employment-unemployment cycle in the country. The results are to be used in a second phase that pretends to design and validate an intervention strategy to guarantee the maintenance of the health insurance of this population. Methods: it was a descriptive-retrospective study that used quantitative analysis techniques. Data was taken from official records of Colombian government, as well as from previous studies related with the matter. Results: principal finds show a persistent growing of participation of workers who lost their posts as part of the total unemployed population in the country. A high proportion of them (56%) have a medium educational level and a high percentage (57.8%) belongs to the medium socio-economic stratum. It is remarkable too that the mean duration of unemployment grew from 27.5 weeks in 1992 to 58.2 weeks in 2002. ; RESUMEN: Uno de los obstáculos que ha tenido Colombia para lograr el objetivo de la Ley 100 de 1993 de universalizar el aseguramiento en salud ha sido el alto nivel de desempleo durante toda la década trascurrida desde entonces. Los trabajadores cesantes (aquellos que han tenido historia de vinculación laboral y que han perdido su empleo) constituyen con sus familias una población que en alto porcentaje carece de aseguramiento en salud, con lo cual queda expuesta al riesgo de pérdida del patrimonio familiar cuando alguno de sus integrantes se vea precisado a demandar atención que debe financiarse con los propios recursos. Objetivo: esta investigación se propuso precisar las características socioeconómicas y del aseguramiento en salud de los trabajadores cesantes, así como los ritmos temporales de empleo-desempleo en el país, buscando que sus resultados sirvan de base para el desarrollo de una segunda fase que diseñará y validará una estrategia de intervención para garantizar la sostenibilidad de su aseguramiento. Metodología: se trató de una investigación descriptiva-retrospectiva que utilizó técnicas de análisis cuantitativo. La información se obtuvo de bases de datos oficiales del gobierno colombiano y de estudios previos que tienen relación con el tema. Resultados: los resultados muestran una creciente participación de los trabajadores cesantes dentro del conjunto de la población desempleada del país, destacándose que una alta proporción de ellos (56,0%) han accedido a la educación media y que un alto porcentaje (58,7%) pertenecen al estrato socioeconómico medio. También resalta que la duración media del tiempo de cesantía pasó de 27,5 semanas en 1992 a 58,2 semanas en el año 2002.

In Citizenship and Migration: Globalization and the Politics of Belonging published in 2000, Alastair Davidson and I showed that globalisation and migration throw up serious challenges for citizenship. This article goes further, by examining changes resulting from the emergence of a new constellation of international politics, which I refer to as the hierarchical nation-state system. The bipolar system of the Cold War is being superseded by a new dichotomy between North and South, but with a single super-power dominating both. For the first time in history, most of the world's people have the legal status of citizenship and live in polities with the legal form of democratic nation-states. Although all nation-states are formally equal in status, there is in reality a hierarchy with regard to such factors as international law, rules on trade, monopoly of the means of mass destruction and influence on global governance. This makes it necessary to move from the notion of differentiated and contradictory citizenship that we outlined in 2000 to a notion of hierarchical citizenship, based on sharp differences in the degree of empowerment and rights that citizenship of various types of states confers. Hierarchical citizenship helps to shape the rights and life-chance of different groups at both the national and international levels. It is closely linked to discourses on the naturalness of violence and chaos in the South, which helps to legitimate Northern dominance. ; En Citizenship and Migration: Globalization and the Politics of Belonging publicado en 2000, Alastair Davidson y yo mostramos que la globalización y la migración revelan serios desafíos para la ciudadanía. Este artículo va más allá, al examinar los cambios que resultan de la emergencia de una nueva constelación de la política internacional, a la que me refiero como el sistema jerárquico del estado-nación. El sistema bipolar de la guerra fría está siendo reemplazado por una nueva dicotomía entre el norte y el sur, pero con un único superpoder que domina a ambos. Por primera vez en la historia, la mayor parte de la gente en el mundo tiene el estatus jurídico de ciudadanía y vive en sociedades políticamente organizadas bajo la forma jurídica de los estados-nación democráticos. Aunque todos los estados-nación son formalmente iguales en estatus, hay en realidad una jerarquía en rela- ción a factores tales como el derecho internacional, reglas sobre comercio, monopolio de los medios de destrucción masiva e influencia en el gobierno global. Esto hace que sea necesario cambiar la noción de una ciudadanía contradictoria y diferenciada, que esbozamos en 2000, por una noción de ciudadanía jerárquica, basada en agudas diferencias en el grado de capacidad y derechos que la ciudadanía de los distintos tipos de estado confiere. La ciudadanía jerárquica ayuda a configurar los derechos y oportunidades en la vida de los diferentes grupos en el plano internacional y nacional. Está unida estrechamente a discursos sobre la naturalidad de la violencia y el caos en el sur, lo que ayuda a legitimar el dominio del norte.

El origen de la castellanidad de Felipe II se puede vincular con un intenso proceso socializador, que buscó la identificación del hijo del emperador Carlos con el reino de Castilla. El nacimiento de Felipe fue recibido en España como un suceso de singular importancia histórica, política y social, tras treinta años sin un principe natural. La castellanización del futuro Felipe IIfue ejercida a través de modelos, arquetipos e imágenes, imágenes sociales que pueden ser resumidas en tres marcos de identificación: imitativo, cortesano e historiográfico. En el primer marco, Felipe fue comparado con el principe Juan de Trastámara, el único hijo varón de los Reyes Católicos, muerto en 1497. En el segundo marco, la Corte fue organizada de acuerdo con la etiqueta castellana, desarrollándose todas las actividades según esta costumbre, hasta 1548, cuando la etiqueta de la corte fue cambiada por la de Borgoña. Finalmente, una nueva historia de Castilla y de España fue elaborada por los historiadores castellanos, en libros que fueron dirigidos a Felipe, Princeps Hispaniarum, como parte de su educación real. ; L'origen de la castellanització de Felip II es pot vincular amb un intens procés socialitzador que va buscar la identificació del fill de I'emperador Carles arnb el regne de Castella. El neixement de Felip fou rebut a Espanya com un procés de singular importkncia histbrica, política i social, després de trenta anys sense un princep natural. La castellanització del futur Felip II fou exercida a través de models, arquetipus i imatges, imatges socials que poden ser resuinides en tres marcs d'identificació: imitatiu, cortesa i historiografic. En el primer marc, Felip fou comparat arnb el príncep Juan de Trastamara, I'únic fill mascle dels Reis Catblics, mort I'any 1497. En el segon marc, la cort fou organitzada d'acord arnb I'etiqueta castellana, desenvolupant-se totes les activitats segons aquest costum, fins 1548, quan I'etiqueta de la cort fou canviada per la de Borgonya. Finalmente, una nova historia de Castella i d'Espanya fou elaborada pels historiadors castellans, en llibres que foren dirigits a Felip, Princeps Hispaniarum, com a part de la seva educació reial. ; The origin of Philip's II castilianity can be linked with a socializator intense process, that sought the identification of emperor Charles's son with the kingdom of Castile. The birth of prince Philip was receptioned in Spain as an event of a historical, political and social singular significance, after thirty years without natural prince. The castilianization of future Philip II was being exercised across of models, archetypes and images, social images that can be diminished in three frames of identification: imitative, court and historical. In the first frame, Philip was compared with prince John of Trastámara, the only male son of Catholic Kings, died in 1497. In the second frame, the Court was organized according to Castilian etiquette, developing al1 the activities of Prince under this custom, until 1548, when thc etiquette of the Court was changed by the one of Burgundy. Finally, a new history of Castile and of Spain was elaborated by Castilian historians, by means of books addressed to Philip, princeps Hispaniarum, as a part of his roya1 education.

El artículo presenta, desde el campo de la sociosemiótica, el análisis de los movimientos de protesta acoplados a las redes sociales mediáticas por la desaparición de 43 estudiantes de la Escuela Normal de Ayotzinapa, en el municipio de Iguala en Guerrero, México. Para la metodología se utilizó el análisis de la semiótica de medios masivos y el dispositivo analítico de la circulación hipermediática contemporánea. Se abordó la relación entre las redes sociales, el espacio público y los movimientos sociales contemporáneos, los antecedentes de protestas articulados con las redes sociales y sus efectos en la vida social, política y mediática, así como la circulación de lo político en el movimiento de protesta sobre el caso de los 43 estudiantes desaparecidos. Por último, se muestran los nuevos tipos de relaciones entre los colectivos de ciudadanos, actores políticos e institución política, conformación de una comunidad en redes sociales -articulada a través de un hashtag- acompañada de una comunidad en el espacio urbano, producción de cambios de fase y movimientos descendentes hacia las redes sociales a través de intervenciones televisivas de sujetos pertenecientes a la institución política gobernante. Se concluye que estos cambios de fase y movimientos constituyen una reacción a una intervención estatal y viceversa, donde la institución política tiene una reacción a las movilizaciones de protesta ciudadana. Este trabajo evidencia la posibilidad de conceptualizar los movimientos de protesta a través de la teoría de la sociedad hipermediatizada contemporánea. ; The article presents, from the field of socioemiotics, the analysis of the protest movements united to the media social networks by the disappearance of 43 students of the Normal School of Ayotzinapa, in the municipality of Iguala in Guerrero, Mexico. For the methodology, we used the analysis of the mass media semiotics and the analysis of the contemporary media circulation. We discussed the relationship between social networks, public space and contemporary social movements; the history of Mexican protests articulated with social networks and their effects on social, political and media life; as well as the circulation of the political in the protest movement on the case of the 43 missing students. Finally, the article shows the new types of relations between the collective of citizens, political actors and political institution; conformation of a community in social networks -articulated through a hashtag- accompanied by a community in urban space; and the production of phase changes and descending movements towards social networks through television interventions of actors belonging to the governing political institution. We conclude that these changes and movements are a reaction to the State intervention and vice versa, the political institution had a reaction to the citizen protests. This work shows the possibility of conceptualizing protest movements throughout hypermedia theories. ; Fil: Slimovich, Ana. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Lay Arellano, Tonatiuh Israel. Universidad de Guadalajara; México

Este trabajo analiza la tensión entre norma hispánica y nacionalismo lingüístico en la Argentina a partir de la comparación del Diccionario panhispánico de dudas (2005), editado por la RAE, y del Diccionario argentino de dudas idiomáticas (2011), editado por la AAL. Para ello, en primer lugar reseñaremos los estudios recientes acerca de las distintas instancias de la polémica entre el respeto a la norma hispánica y la defensa del nacionalismo a lo largo de las épocas en Argentina. En segundo lugar, compararemos los prólogos de ambos diccionarios para comprender la dimensión programática del diseño de dos instrumentos lingüísticos, uno que se propone válido para todos los países hispanohablantes y otro que lo hace sólo para la variedad nacional. Por último, para observar las modificaciones y las continuidades, compararemos un conjunto de artículos seleccionados a partir de la coocurrencia en ambos textos. A partir del análisis realizado, demostraremos cómo el debate en torno a la lengua nacional, como problema no sólo lingüístico sino también político, cultural y económico, subyace en el discurso actual de la AAL acerca de la lengua. Sin embargo, esta aparente distancia y disidencia en relación con la política de la RAE que se plantea en el prólogo del Diccionario argentino de dudas idiomáticas no es verdaderamente radical sino sólo de principios. En ningún momento se pone en duda el predominio de una norma y el reconocimiento de las variedades internas a la nación es casi nulo. ; This paper analyzes the tension between a Hispanic norm and Argentinean linguistic nationalism through the comparison of the Pan-Hispanic Dictionary of Doubts (2005), published by the RAE, and the Argentine Dictionary of Idiomatic Doubts (2011), published by the AAL. In the first place we will review recent studies of the controversy between the respect of a Hispanic norm and the defense of nationalism throughout Argentinean history. Secondly, we will compare the prologues of both dictionaries in order to understand the programmatic dimension of the design of the two linguistic instruments, one that is valid for all the Spanish-speakers and another intended only for the national variety. Finally, in order to observe the similarities and the differences, we will compare a set of entries selected from those that appear in both texts. From this analysis, we will demonstrate how the debate around the national language, not only as a linguistic matter, but also a political, cultural and economic one, informs the present discourse of the AAL regarding the language. Nevertheless, this apparent distance and dissidence in relation to the policy of the RAE that is considered in the prologue of the Argentine Dictionary of Idiomatic Doubts is not truly radical but only a matter of principles. At no moment is the predominance of a norm questioned, and the recognition of the regional varieties within the nation is almost nonexistent. ; Fil: Tallatta, Cecilia Natalia. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto de Lingüística; Argentina

International criminal networks mainly from Latin America and Africa -- some with links to terrorism -- are turning West Africa into a key global hub for the distribution, wholesaling, and production of illicit drugs. These groups represent an existential threat to democratic governance of already fragile states in the sub-region because they are using narco-corruption to stage coups d'état, hijack elections, and co-opt or buy political power. Besides a spike in drug-related crime, narcotics trafficking is also fraying West Africa's traditional social fabric and creating a public health crisis, with hundreds of thousands of new drug addicts. While the inflow of drug money may seem economically beneficial to West Africa in the short-term, investors will be less inclined to do business in the long-term if the sub-region is unstable. On net, drug trafficking and other illicit trade represent the most serious challenge to human security in the region since resource conflicts rocked several West African countries in the early 1990s. International aid to West Africa's "war on drugs" is only in an initial stage; progress will be have to be measured in decades or even generations, not years and also unfold in parallel with creating alternative sustainable livelihoods and addressing the longer-term challenges of human insecurity, poverty, and underdevelopment. ; "May 2013." ; Includes bibliographical references (pages 64-84). ; Introduction : broad context of drug trafficking in West Africa -- History of drug trafficking in West Africa -- Latin American drug dealers partner with West African criminals -- Structure of West African DTOs -- Global drug trafficking routes via West Africa -- Link to terrorism : alliances between drug traffickers and terrorists -- Impact on good governance -- Impact on society -- Impact on the economy -- Ongoing programs--- the international community and the United States -- Impact of West African drug trafficking on U.S. national interests -- Conclusion : policy recommendations. ; International criminal networks mainly from Latin America and Africa -- some with links to terrorism -- are turning West Africa into a key global hub for the distribution, wholesaling, and production of illicit drugs. These groups represent an existential threat to democratic governance of already fragile states in the sub-region because they are using narco-corruption to stage coups d'état, hijack elections, and co-opt or buy political power. Besides a spike in drug-related crime, narcotics trafficking is also fraying West Africa's traditional social fabric and creating a public health crisis, with hundreds of thousands of new drug addicts. While the inflow of drug money may seem economically beneficial to West Africa in the short-term, investors will be less inclined to do business in the long-term if the sub-region is unstable. On net, drug trafficking and other illicit trade represent the most serious challenge to human security in the region since resource conflicts rocked several West African countries in the early 1990s. International aid to West Africa's "war on drugs" is only in an initial stage; progress will be have to be measured in decades or even generations, not years and also unfold in parallel with creating alternative sustainable livelihoods and addressing the longer-term challenges of human insecurity, poverty, and underdevelopment. ; Mode of access: Internet.