AbstractThis paper empirically examines the economic impacts of COVID‐19 on firms' business activities and female workers in 10 developing economies around the world. Based on a survey conducted by the World Bank, we constructed a firm‐level panel dataset and investigated how firms' production and finances have developed during COVID‐19. We also investigated female workers' employment situations and how they were affected by firm performance. COVID‐19 indeed casted seriously adverse impacts in the developing world. As time passes, firms' production has been recovering, but their finances are worsening, and the female workers are facing worse situations in forms of higher probabilities of losing jobs and getting furloughed. Other variables such as workforce, capacity utilisation, and exports also play important roles in this process.
Der Verfasser setzt sich einleitend mit Huntingtons Analyse der zivilen Kontrolle des Militärs auseinander. Eine Schwächung politischer Strukturen und eine starke, autonomie Position des Militärs werden als Voraussetzungen des Prätorianismus in der Moderne herausgearbeitet. Vor diesem Hintergrund analysiert der Verfasser die Position des Militärs in Osteuropa nach dem Rückzug der sowjetischen Truppen aus den Nachbarstaaten und der Auflösung des Warschauer Pakts. Der Einfluß des politischen Wandels auf Kohäsion und kollektive Identität des Militärs in Albanien, Bulgarien, der Tschechoslowakei, Ungarn, Polen, Rumänien und Jugoslawien wird untersucht. Der Verfasser zeigt, daß in allen behandelten Staaten Maßnahmen zur subjektiven zivilen Kontrolle des Militärs im Sinne Huntingtons ergriffen wurden. Die Gefahr des Prätorianismus ist daher nicht akut. (BIOst-Wpt)
"Scours the history of the Cold War, from the end of World War II to the end of the Soviet Union, for clues as to why Americans and Russians think about each other the way they do and how the Cold War's legacies affect present politics and popular consciousness in both countries"--
Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the CPC has entered a new stage of innovation in diplomatic theory and practice, forming Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy, which will continue to guide China's major-country diplomacy in the new era. The new diplomatic strategy of the new Chinese government led by Xi Jinping has three features. First, it hopes to actively build a new model of major-country relations. Second, it hopes to build a "destiny community of neighboring countries" diplomacy. Third, to look forward to building a new type of international relations in which win-win cooperation is the top priority of their foreign policy. In this article, I will introduce the new foreign policy adopted by China since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and the neighborhood diplomacy featuring amity, sincerity, mutual benefit and inclusiveness. In addition, it also describes the diplomatic relations between Mongolia and China from 2012 to 2021 and important events within the scope of cooperation between the two countries, especially the friendly stories of mutual support and assistance between China and Mongolia after the outbreak of COVID-19. ХКН-ын XVIII их хурлаас хойших Хятад улсын гадаад бодлогын шинэ үзэл санаа ба Монгол, Хятадын харилцаа Хураангуй: 2012 онд ХКН-ын XVIII их хурал хуралдаж, Ши Жиньпин засгийн эрх барьснаар Хятад улсад гадаад харилцааны шинэ үзэл санаа бүрэлдэн тогтож, тус улс цаашид өөрийн онцлог бүхий их гүрний гадаад бодлого баримтлах болно гэдгээ зарласан билээ. Ши Жиньпин-ээр төвлөсөн Хятадын төрийн удирдлагын гадаад бодлогын шинэ стратеги нэгд, их гүрний шинэ маягийн харилцааг бий болгохыг эрмэлзэж буй. Хоёрт, Хятад улс хөрш улс орнууд хоорондын гадаад харилцаанд өндөр ач холбогдол өгч буй. Гуравт, хамтран ажиллах, хамтдаа хожих хамтын ажиллагааг гол болгосон олон улсын шинэ маягийн харилцааг байгуулахыг эрмэлзэж буй зэрэг онцлогтой байна. Энэхүү өгүүлэлд ХКН-ын XVIII их хурлаас хойших Хятад улсын гадаад бодлогын шинэ үзэл санаа, тэр дундаа хөрш зэргэлдээ улс орнуудад хандан хэрэгжүүлж буй "Ойр дотно, чин сэтгэлийн, харилцан ашигтай, уужуу хүртээмжтэй байх" ба "Хүн төрөлхтний хувь заяаны цогц нэгдэл" хэмээх гадаад бодлогын ойлголтын талаар танилцуулж, 2012-2021 онд Монгол, Хятад хоёр улсын гадаад харилцаа, хамтын ажиллагааны хүрээнд болсон үйл явдал, тэр дундаа аюулт цар тахлын эсрэг хамтдаа тэмцсэн хийгээд хоёр талын харилцан бие биедээ тусалж дэмжиж ирсэн түүхүүдийг өгүүлнэ. Түлхүүр үгс: Хятад улсын гадаад бодлого, Ши Жиньпин, XVIII их хурал, хувь заяаны цогц нэгдэл, Монгол, Хятадын харилцаа
AbstractAn understanding of the dynamics of persistent poverty that is not static, contrary to its portrayal in the literature, is important for policy‐makers. We therefore performed multinomial logistic regression and binary logistic regression on panel data to capture rural poverty dynamics in Nepal's Far‐Western Hills. The former revealed that the risk of experiencing chronic poverty was significantly higher for households in the more remote village development committee of Melauli, those headed by women or older men with less education, and those with higher dependency ratios and lower participation levels in community‐based organisations. The latter, entailing disaggregation of transient poverty, revealed a higher risk of moving into poverty for members of occupational castes (OCs) and housevholds in Melauli because of their limited socioeconomic assets. The occurrence of natural disasters also increased households' risks of moving into poverty. Conversely, more years of schooling among household heads facilitated movements out of poverty. Thus, poverty reduction programmes focusing on relatively remote villages and OCs that promote educational access and employment generation are necessary to address chronic and transient poverty. Further, the introduction of temporary relief programmes following natural disasters, and of insurance schemes for covering associated losses, will alleviate transient poverty.
In 2013, Russia and Greece will celebrate 185 years of diplomatic relations. The Greeks have not forgotten Russia's contribution to their struggle for independence. Adapted from the source document.
The article is devoted to the analysis of the Arctic Council's activities as a forum of international cooperation in the northern polar region. The establishment of the above-mentioned regional international organization in 1996 initiated cooperation of states on topical issues in the Arctic, especially in the field of environmental protection. The Arctic Council united eight states of the northern polar region, Arctic indigenous organizations which have the status of «permanent participants» and international organizations (intergovernmental, inter-parliamentary, non-governmental) which have received the status of observer. Like any organization, it has both advantages and disadvantages. In general, during the existence of the Arctic Council, states under its auspices have been able to adopt three important regional international treaties governing relations between them, as well as a number of «soft law» acts which have political weight. Ukraine has all chances to deepen cooperation with arctic states, having received the status of observer in the Arctic Council. Key words: the Arctic; regional international organization; «soft law»; permanent participant; «Rovaniemi рrocess»; observer.
This essay proposes a deliberative model of bureaucratic accountability and assesses its feasibility. Conventional wisdom suggests that a deliberative theory of bureaucratic accountability has little utility outside corporatist contexts. I reject this view because recent changes in patterns of interest representation have transformed both corporatist and pluralist bureaucracies into more hospitable environments for public deliberation. Contrary to the claims of democratic corporatists, recent pluralist practices of interest representation also seem to be compatible with public deliberation. Hence, movement toward greater openness in administrative decision‐making is possible from both liberal pluralist and corporatist starting points. Corporatism clearly has no monopoly on democratic deliberation.
The development of equal opportunity (EO) policies & practice within the European Community (EC) since 1975 is traced, focusing on policies relating to women, race, & disability within the framework of a concept of EO as a primary right. It is demonstrated that EO policy has developed most strongly in relation to women & represents the model for implementation; action regarding race & disability is less advanced. Overall, current EO policy is more radical in its approach than in the early days, but its implementation is hampered by the operation of the subsidiarity principle. Unless EO is recognized as a primary right, it is concluded that policies will never go far enough to fulfill the basic social objectives of the EC. 46 References. Adapted from the source document.
