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Objectives. The 1990s witnessed the growth & maturation of the Latino electorate in California & many scholars have posited as to the reasons. One argument is that naturalizations by way of the Immigration Reform & Control Act (IRCA) drove the increases in Latino participation. In this article we investigate the extent to which this is the case. Methods. Using unpublished INS data, we offer the first empirical test of the IRCA theory by examining Latino IRCA petitions by zipcode to determine whether or not IRCA legalizations & subsequent naturalizations were the force behind increased Latino turnout, & the overall growth of the Latino vote. We merge IRCA data with Registrar of Voter data to examine real growth in the Latino vote at the zipcode level from 1996-2000 in southern California. Results. Although Latino voting grew substantially, we find that IRCA naturalizations did not spur the increases in Latino voting in the 1990s as some have expected. Instead, demographic & mobilization variables explain why the Latino vote grew between 1996 & 2000. Conclusions. As Congress debates new proposals to "legalize" the millions of undocumented immigrants living & working in this country, many will inevitably ask what impact their citizenship will have on the electorate. This study sheds some light on the relationship between amnesty programs, citizenship, & voting among Latinos. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

The Fundamental right is the general principle of equality which is set down in article 14 of the Spanish Constitution, reveals disconcerting contrasts. So that in the jurisprudence of the constitutional courts one finds approaches that in a certain way are disparate. Insecurity is particularly manifest in the way it is often appealed, in the sense that the margin of manoeuvrability of the legislator ends at the point where unequal treatment is no longer compatible with the objective reason so as to produce an arbitrary situation. A procedure that goes no further than that it is practically valid for any type of application of rules. So that, from 1980 it is worth mentioning that the German Constitutional Court, & later the rest of the constitutional courts as well as the Spanish combined efforts to reach a sounder criteria in resolving the question as to when it should be treated or not as an inequality issue. Many consider this procedure a "new formula" that basically consists of incorporating as far as it is possible the principle of proportion. Nevertheless, the results up to now have been unsatisfactory although on this basis a more concrete concept to be developed is not ruled so as facilitate the legislator in dealing with inequality issues. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThree recent judicial or quasi-judicial cases deal with the question as to if provisional measures indicated by the respective body are binding on the parties to the dispute or not. In all three cases, the constitutive instruments under which the body acted were silent on the question of the binding nature of the measures at stake. Traditionally, the point as to the bindingness of such measures, in the absence of any special provision granting them a binding force, was extremely controversial. Now, through these three recent cases, the jurisprudence forcefully affirmed such bindingness. The reasoning on which the three cases are based is similar: according to the caselaw, teleological reasons compel to consider that the provisional measures indicated are binding, since to hold otherwise would allow one party to frustrate the object and purpose of the whole proceeding while the matter is pending. It may thus well be that these three recent precedents established a new (procedural) customary presumption, by a sort of quick speed customary law. Thus, in the absence of special provision to the contrary, provisional measures indicated by an international judicial or quasi-judicial body would be binding, at least when such measures are taken in order to safeguard the respective rights of the parties.

Abstract Human resources are the most important assets of any health system, and health workforce problems have for decades limited the efficiency and quality of Latin America health systems. World Bank-led reforms aimed at increasing equity, efficiency, quality of care and user satisfaction did not attempt to resolve the human resources problems that had been identified in multiple health sector assessments. However, the two most important reform policies – decentralization and privatization – have had a negative impact on the conditions of employment and prompted opposition from organized professionals and unions. In several countries of the region, the workforce became the most important obstacle to successful reform. This article is based on fieldwork and a review of the literature. It discusses the reasons that led health workers to oppose reform; the institutional and legal constraints to implementing reform as originally designed; the mismatch between the types of personnel needed for reform and the availability of professionals; the deficiencies of the reform implementation process; and the regulatory weaknesses of the region. The discussion presents workforce strategies that the reforms could have included to achieve the intended goals, and the need to take into account the values and political realities of the countries. The authors suggest that autochthonous solutions are more likely to succeed than solutions imported from the outside.

The preceding analysis investigated private interest groups' behaviour towards monetary policy makers and central banks, exploring the extent to which they seek to influence monetary policy and their motivations for doing so or not. Where evidence of interest group activity with respect to monetary decisions was found, the study identified the ways in which groups communicate with policy makers. Considering the importance of monetary policies for an economy as a whole and individual firms and households in particular, the low level of interest group activity observed in practice appears puzzling at first sight. However, the theoretical analysis above suggests that there may, in fact, be good reasons for interest group activity to keep a low profile with regard to monetary policymaking. In order to explain the conundrum, a micro-behavioural approach has been suggested with the aim of investigating the basic incentives for individuals and interest groups in the private sector to take political action on monetary questions or to refrain from doing so. The decision whether to take political action or not has been presented as a cost-benefit analysis, weighing the expected benefits of identifying, aggregating and mediating individual and group interests against the potential costs. The determinants of costs and benefits have been analysed with respect to the issue, institutional, and group contexts from which they originate.

'As if by magic'. The reorganisation and renewed prosperity of Leyden Observatory, 1918-1924In 1918, Leyden Observatory was a somewhat backward institute, but by 1928 it had transformed itself into a prominent international scientific centre. This article describes the reorganisation and expansion of the Observatory between 1918 and 1924 under the leadership of W. de Sitter, starting with the appointment of De Sitter and E. Hertzprung and the rejection, for political reasons, of A. Pannekoek. It also presents a reconstruction of the reorganisation. The article also describes the changes in Dutch astronomy in the 1920s: its expansion, the establishment of national organisations, and the extension of international contacts, especially with Anglo Saxon countries. Leyden became a centre in the international astronomer's network, partly thanks to the influence of the Groningen astronomer J.C. Kapteyn. After the First World War, it played an important role as the link between scientists from the former Allied and Central countries. The thorough theoretical and practical training given at Leyden Observatory produced young astronomers that were highly valued all over the world. Combined with the international contacts and diplomatic skills of De Sitter, this formed the foundation from which the Observatory went on the prosper. One curious aspect is that the Observatory's scientific findings played a minor role in this success.

The long-lasting nature of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has caused a severe slowdown of economic activity within and between the two economies involved. Palestine is currently afflicted with economic stagnation and structural bottlenecks - namely sharp income reductions, low investors' confidence, and labour market segmentation. Israel must correct a large budget deficit due to a secularly high expenditure on military defence. The former has all the characteristics proper to a Southern low-income economy; while the latter is the most advanced economy of the region, with a well diversified export base and high-tech capacity. Convergence between the two economies seems constrained by exogenous factors and structural impediments. For this reason, we believe that only an immediate effort to help the Palestinian economy recover and an inner industrial boost can restore normal economic activity and allow benefiting from the dynamic gains arising out of North-South interactions. This paper highlights two main points: first, the present arrangements concerning the labour market prevent full use of the Palestinian potential productive capacity and are a hindrance to its short-term recovery. Second, the trade regime between Israel and a future Palestinian State should resemble a Free Trade Area that explicitly takes into account the deep asymmetries dividing the Palestinian and Israeli economies.

La ambigüedad y la indefinición de los textos clásicos al referirse a las etnias prerromanas han limitado las posibilidades de profundizar en el conocimiento de dichos pueblos. En el siguiente trabajo pretendemos aproximarnos a la cuestión a partir de la interpretación del registro arqueológico de los pueblos antiguos del área valenciana. Prestaremos especial atención al vínculo existente entre la identidad étnica y el surgimiento de entidades geopolíticas de carácter urbano. De esta manera, se analizaran los indicadores arqueológicos que puedan ayudar a delimitar estas unidades territoriales y aproximarnos a las sociedades que crearon los elementos distintivos con los que robustecer los estados emergentes ; The ancient texts referred to pre-roman peoples in the Iberian Peninsula are very ambiguity and vague. For this reasons the possibilities of study these peoples are very scarcety. In this paper we try to approach this topic through the archaeological research related to the ancient Contestani and Edetani that inhabited the modern Valencian Country (Spain). We focus on the links between ethnic identity and state formation in eastern Iberia. In this way, we analysed the archaeological record which allow us define the territorial units and the approach to the societies which created their identity symbols to reinforce the emergence of the states

En este artículo se llevan a cabo una serie de reflexiones suscitadas a partir del nuevo estatus oficial del bajo alemán como "lengua regional", que le fue otorgado a esta lengua en virtud de la Carta Europea de las Lenguas Regionales o Minoritarias (enero de 1999) por parte del Parlamento Europeo y el Consejo de Europa. Partiendo del concepto "lengua regional" se analizan argumentos a favor y en contra de aceptar al bajo alemán como lengua propia o como dialecto del alto alemán, llegando a la conclusión de que se trata efectivamente de una lengua. Su idiosincrasia sajona y el desarrollo que está experimentando en diversas parcelas del ámbito oral y escrito como Ausbausprache son, en nuestra opinión, pruebas claras que avalan esta decisión. ; This paper sets out several considerations regarding the official status of low German as «regional language ». This status was conferred to it by the European Parliament and the European Council by reason of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages in January 1999. Working on the concept «regional language», pros and cons of considering it a language or a dialect are analysed. Taking into account the Saxon idiosyncrasy and the development it is experiencing in different spoken and written fields as Ausbausprache, we conclude it deserves the status of language.

In an era of sustainable economic development models there is an increased attention on sectoral compatibility, environmental protection, and professional ethics. As in the past, the banking and finance sector is still considered to be the heart of all development models. Financial institutions such as banks provide the necessary funds for all the manufacturing or service organizations in all the sectors. Therefore stability in the finance sector is necessary for the stability in all the other sectors. Analysing the recent bank and business failures it can be seen that the business and professional ethics is one of the most important elements of stability in banking and finance industries. In this respect, the basic objective of this study is to look at the ethical issues among the reasons for the recent bank failures and outline the professional and business ethics that has to be adopted in order to provide stability in the banking and finance sector of TRNC. As the summary It can be asserted that the most serious ethical problems which led to financial crises in TRNC were, connected lending, credits without adequate collaterals, favorism by the management, inadequate use of funds, dealing in non-financial activities, political interference, lack of accountability, illegal use of funds, lack of transparency, and risky investments with low returns.

The authors state that the United States is facing a major defeat in Iraq, and to explain the seemingly irrational determination to "stay the course," the logic & limits of the capitalist empire is analyzed. After the Second World War America became the most powerful nation. America's economical & military power, although vast, was still constrained by the existence of the Soviet Union & the waves of revolutions. The withdrawal from Vietnam, caused by the failure to win a guerrilla war or to achieve "nation building," transiently diminished the hegemony of the dollar & limited U.S. capacity for military interventions. A return to more assertive actions is exemplified by covert & later direct military interventions & the announcement of the National Security Strategy in September 2002. The necessity to "stay in course" in Iraq (& not repeat the defeat in Vietnam) has become widely accepted. In contrast Anthony H Cordesman proposes a strategy consisting of renouncing the imperial objectives & focus on the creation of a stable government backed by Iraqi military. Otherwise the conflicts in the Middle East will only escalate. The necessity to expand Middle East & particularly Iraq oil production is given as the major reason for U.S. interest. This paper doubts that Cordesman's arguments will be accepted by the U.S. leadership, and speculates on the possibility of civil war in Iraq and its escalation to a regional conflict. References. A. Barral

Minimisation of municipal solid waste and diversion from landfill are necessary for the UK to manage waste sustainably and achieve legislative compliance. A survey of householder attitudes and experiences of a trial for minimising household food waste from waste collection in the county of West Sussex, UK is described. The minimisation method used the Green Cone food digester, designed for garden installation. A postal questionnaire was distributed to 1000 householders who had bought a cone during the trial and a total of 433 responses were received. The main reason for people buying the Green Cone had been concerns about waste (88%), with 78% and 67% of respondents, respectively, claiming to have participated in recycling and home composting in the last 30 days. The waste material most frequently put in the digester was cooked food (91%), followed by fruit waste, vegetable matter and bones/meat. Some respondents were using it for garden and animal waste from pets. Most users found the Green Cone performed satisfactorily. Approximately, 60% of respondents had seen a reduction of 25–50% in the amount of waste they normally put out for collection, with analysis showing reported levels of reduction to be significant (p < 0.05). Additional weight surveys by householders recorded an average of 2.7 kg/(h week) diverted to the food digester.

Background China's economic and political importance has captured the world's attention. China has become increasingly integrated into the global economy. Between 2000 and 2003, it accounted for one-third of global economic growth measured at purchasing-power parity, more than twice as much as the United States ("Food for Thought," 2004). Politically, China is the largest communist country in the world. As China seeks to raise its international prestige by hosting the 2008 Olympic Games, social factors have also captured the world's attention: China's status as the most populous country in the world, and its domestic and international crises over democratization, legitimization, and corruption. For all these reasons, China is a compelling case for inquiry into public leadership. Throughout its rich 5000-year history, China has witnessed drastic public leadership transformations, from imperial, semi-colonial, semi-feudal, and semi-capitalist to socialist and Communist leadership. But today, China faces opportunities and challenges it has not previously encountered. 2. Purpose This review is motivated by the need to (a) provide researchers and practitioners interested in contemporary public leadership in China with a comprehensive overview of the recent literature and (b) establish the context for future theoretical and empirical work on public leadership both within China and cross-culturally.