Suchergebnisse

During grasping and intelligent robotic manipulation tasks, the camera position relative to the scene changes dramatically because the robot is moving to adapt its path and correctly grasp objects. This is because the camera is mounted at the robot effector. For this reason, in this type of environment, a visual recognition system must be implemented to recognize and "automatically and autonomously" obtain the positions of objects in the scene. Furthermore, in industrial environments, all objects that are manipulated by robots are made of the same material and cannot be differentiated by features such as texture or color. In this work, first, a study and analysis of 3D recognition descriptors has been completed for application in these environments. Second, a visual recognition system designed from specific distributed client-server architecture has been proposed to be applied in the recognition process of industrial objects without these appearance features. Our system has been implemented to overcome problems of recognition when the objects can only be recognized by geometric shape and the simplicity of shapes could create ambiguity. Finally, some real tests are performed and illustrated to verify the satisfactory performance of the proposed system. ; The research leading to these result has received funding from the Spanish Government and European FEDER funds (DPI2012-32390) and the Valencia Regional Government (PROMETEO/2013/085).

Milletvekili aday tespit yönteminin demokratik olması, parti içi demokrasi ilkesinin en önemli göstergelerinden biridir. İşte, bu çalışmada da, İngiliz İşçi Partisi tarafından tercih edilen milletvekili aday belirleme yöntemi parti içi demokrasi ilkesi çerçevesinde değerlendirilecektir. Bu çerçevede, çalışma kapsamında öncelikle model olarak neden İngiliz İşçi Partisi'nin seçildiği sorusu cevaplandırılacak, daha sonra, İşçi Partisi Tüzüğü'nde milletvekili adaylarının tespit edilme usulüne ilişkin yer alan kurallar açıklanacaktır. Çalışmanın son kısmında ise, söz konusu hükümlerin, parti içi demokrasi ilkesini ne yönde etkilediği uygulamadan da örneklere yer verilerek eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla ortaya konacaktır. ; One of the most important indicators of the intra-party democracy principle is being respectful to democracy in the election of candidates to stand for election as MPs. In this study, the MP candidacy election method of the Labour Party of the UK will be analysed pursuant to intra-party democracy principle. In this context, within the scope of this study, firstly the reason for choosing the Labour Party of the UK as a case study will be explained. Secondly, the principles regarding the MP candidate election method in the Labour Party bylaw will be defined. In the last part of this study, how the intra-party democracy principle is affected by these principles will be discussed giving wide coverage to exemplary de facto implementation in a critical perspective.

The survey presents the rumours spread among inhabitants of the city of L'viv before and during its occupation by Russian troops in 1914–1915. They were caused by both objective (instability of the political situation, absence of the trustworthy information in the city), and subjective (uncertainty about their situation among the L'viv inhabitants, distrust in the official mass-media, desire to get accustomed to the conditions of war and occupation) reasons. The main themes of oral reports were the liberation of L'viv, the battles around the city, the siege of Peremyshl, the events at the other fronts, the attitude of the Russian troops to L'viv inhabitants.Key words: L'viv in 1914–1915, rumours, press, diaries, memoirs, occupation, the First World War. ; У розвідці представлено чутки, котрі поширювалися серед мешканців міста Львова напередодні та під час його окупації російськими військами в 1914–1915 роках. Їх появу зумовили як об'єктивні (нестабільність політичної ситуації, відсутність достовірної інформації в місті), так і суб'єктивні (невпевненість у своєму становищі мешканців міста,недовіра до офіційних засобів масової інформації, бажання адаптуватися до умов війни й окупації) причини. Основними темами поголосок стали здобуття/визволення Львова, бої навколо міста, облога Перемишля, події на інших фронтах, ставлення російських військ до львів'ян тощо.Ключові слова: Львів у 1914–1915 рр., чутки, преса, щоденники, спогади, окупація, Перша світова війна.

Reviewed in historical prospect development and incipience legitimacy of political power in primitive and modern societies. Special emphasis put on a transformation of democratic ideas and legitimacy of power typical for them: from beginning to modern crisis of electoral democracy. The origin and significance of modern concepts and reasons legitimacy crisis in electoral democracy are found out. The new democratic institutes representing non-classical type of power legitimacy are considered, the key concepts of modern political rhetoric and practice are investigated. The key ways of development of modern democracy, the main problems which arise on its path, risks and prospects are investigated.Key words: legitimacy, idea of democracy, proximity, crisis of legitimacy, postdemocracy. ; Розглянуто в історичній перспективі розвиток і становлення типів легітимації політичної влади – від премодерних суспільств до сучасності. Особливо наголошено на трансформації демократичної ідеї та притаманних їй типів легітимації влади – від появи до сучасної кризи системи виборчо-представницької демократії. З'ясовано походження та сучасне значення поняття легітимності та причини теперішньої кризи системи представницько-виборчої демократії. Досліджено становлення нових демократичних інститутів, які репрезентують некласичні типи легітимації влади, розглянуто ключові поняття сучасної політичної риторики і практики. З'ясовано головні напрямки розвитку сучасної демократії, основні проблеми, які виникають на її шляху, ризики та перспективи.Ключові слова: легітимність, демократія, наближеність, криза легітимації, постдемократія.

Analyses of everyday religion and sustainable environments in the Himalaya are not helped much by the blunt instruments of "world religions" approaches to religion and ecology. This article suggests that a better grounded understanding, especially helpful for policy-makers integrating case studies from widely varying regions, might be gained by bypassing debates about the nature of "religion" entirely. Inspired by discussions in the Everyday Religion and Sustainable Environments project, this article proposes a research framework with the deliberately mundane name resource use decisions. Attending to the reasons given, in various settings and to various stakeholders, for decisions regarding the cultivation and use of resources will take us beyond unreflectively secular understandings of these terms, as well as beyond reified understandings of "other-worldly" religion which exist more in the texts of scholars than in the everyday worlds where religion lives. Consonant with the recent turn to "lived religion," resource use decisions draws attention to the religious creativity of agents at every level, lay, specialist and even other-than-human, and to the categories they employ in navigating and sustaining religious worlds. This approach better suits the ecologically, culturally and politically varied and changing Himalayan region, but also suggests ways in which Himalayan studies can contribute to broader reflection on the nature of religious practices and traditions in a pluralizing, globalizing and environmentally changing world.

'Grasstops mobilizations' in the context of the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union refers to legal and political mobilization carried out by cause lawyers, NGOs, religious, secularist and humanist organizations, political figures and national governments, and by transnational networks which may develop within and between the above groups, depending on their stakes in a given issue. In the domain of religion, such grasstops mobilizations may seek to influence what religion-related issues get placed on a court's agenda and the climate within which the Court takes its decisions on the latter; they are forces at the European and transnational levels potentially influencing the Court's engagements with and ultimate handling of religion-related cases. This article draws on interviews carried out with various actors engaged with or impacted by mobilizations around the European courts to yield special insight into who mobilizes, for what reasons and to what effects, and into the conditions under which particular political, religious, or NGO actors are influential. Based upon the latter research as well as examination of certain structural differences between the two courts rendering them differently 'open' to various pressures, this contribution considers the comparative susceptibility of the two courts to such mobilizations.

Polish reportages, in which the authors have tried to build an interesting and non-stereotypical image of the United States, are few. The reasons for this state of affairs seem complex. What discourages contemporary reporters from breaking the stereotypes is perhaps the fact that today the United States are the most exploited by mass culture place on Earth. Maybe the popular thinking that we already know everything there is to know about the US also still lingers. In 1997, Paweł Smoleński published Opowieści amerykańskie [American Tales], in 2009, Małgorzata Szejnert had her reportage Wyspa klucz [Key Island] released, and at the turn of the year 2013, reports by Katarzyna Surmiak-Domańska were printed in "Gazeta Wyborcza". All three authors demonstrated a deep conviction that the United States is a country about which no generalizing judgments can be made since each opinion expressed about the country can be countered with one, equally corresponding to reality, that denies the previous. The reporters set an ambitious task for themselves — they want, at least in some measure, to understand the American society, its culture, tradition and way of thinking. That is why they talk to people and relate their stories, that is also why they focus their attention on unusual issues and phenomena, but primarily on the fate of individuals.

The editorial premise of this special issue is that the adage 'art and money do not mix' is now wholly untenable. As detailed in our extended interview with Clare McAndrew, the art market has grown rapidly over the last twenty years, leading to systemic and structural changes in the art field. For some, this growth of the market and its significance for art is an institutional misfortune that, for all of its effects, is nonetheless inconsequential to the normative claim that art and money shouldn't mix. This commonplace premise looks to keep the sanctity or romance of art from the business machinations of market mechanisms, as eloquently summarised by Oscar Wilde's definition of cynicism ('knowing the price of everything and the value of nothing'). This issue repudiates that normative moral code, and precisely for the reasons just stated: by now, the interests of the art market permeate all the way through the art system. The interests of the art market shape what is exhibited and where; what kinds of discourse circulate around which art (or even as art) and in what languages; and what, in general, is understood to count as art. In short, the art market - comprising mainly of collectors, galleries and auction houses - is now the primary driver in what is valuable in art.

The aim of this article is to critical investigate a trend that has been escalating during the last 15 years to evaluate scientific by quantitative measurements called bibliometrics. These large-scale-measurements either substitute or supplement evaluation performed by colleagues qualified as specialists in a certain field of research. The so-called citation indexes count as one among other measurements. The whole idea is that our scientific work is evaluated in accordance with the amount of citations you get from other writers or from the citation impact ascribed to the journals of your written text. After a short presentation of the growing field of bibliometric devices with special focus on citation indexes, the author will examine some ideas of the political and economic reasons for these changes in academia. To strengthen the critical stance towards bibliometrics the question will be raised of what counts as good scientific practice including citations contrasting this with the use of citation in bibliometrics. As part of this concluding discussion the question of authority will be raised and it will be argued that we may look at these new tendencies in scientific practice as a new kind of authority. Taking the word liquid from Zygman Baumann´s term liquid modernity the term liquid authority will be introduced.

The key challenge for medium- and long-term policy in European Union countries is to use the potential of knowledge-based economy (KBE), which is a condition for maintaining high total factor productivity in Europe. For this reason, the relationship between quality of institutional system and total factor productivity in the EU countries has been examined. The quality of institutional system is defined here from the perspective of incentives that influence the use of the potential of KBE. In order to determine the level of effectiveness of the institutional system in the analyzed countries the method for linear ordering of objects was applied based on data from Fraser Institute. The main hypothesis of the article was formed as follow: the quality of institutional system in the context of KBE has significant influence on the level of total factor productivity in the EU. In order to verify the hypothesis, the parameters of the Cobb-Douglas production function were estimated, which allowed to evaluate TFP for EU countries. The calculation made in the article was based on Eurostat data. Then, the identification of the relationship between the quality of institutional system and the level of TFP was made with the application of panel model. The research made for the years 2000-2010 allowed to verify the hypothesis.

In Urban Europe, urban researchers and practitioners based in Amsterdam tell the story of the European city, sharing their knowledge of and insights into urban dynamics in short, thought-provoking pieces. Their essays were collected on the occasion of the adoption of the Pact of Amsterdam with an Urban Agenda for the European Union during the Dutch Presidency of the Council in 2016. The fifty essays gathered in this volume present perspectives from diverse academic disciplines in the humanities and the social sciences. The authors — including the Mayor of Amsterdam, urban activists, civil servants and academic observers — cover a wide range of topical issues, inviting and encouraging us to rethink citizenship, connectivity, innovation, sustainability and representation as well as the role of cities in administrative and political networks. With the Urban Agenda for the European Union, EU Member States have acknowledged the potential of cities to address the societal challenges of the 21st century. This is part of a larger, global trend. These are all good reasons to learn more about urban dynamics and to understand the challenges that cities have faced in the past and that they currently face. Often but not necessarily taking Amsterdam as an example, the essays in this volume will help you grasp the complexity of urban.

Synthesis of the paper I have dedicated the content of this work to establish the distressing political and legal circumstances that not only the tutela action is going through, but also the Political Constitution of 1991 and therefore the H. Constitutional Court of Colombia. Looking for the international dimension, a very brief synopsis of the constitutional transition is made, to then try to show two aspects: What is the reason that the Constitutional Court has become so fashionable in Colombia; Secondly, how have the traditional public powers assumed the constitutional change and how willing are they to accept the new culture of human rights? ; Síntesis de la ponencia He dedicado el contenido de este trabajo a sentar las angustiosas circunstancias políticas y jurídicas que atraviesa no solo la acción de tutela, sino la misma Constitución Política de 1991 y por ende la H. Corte Constitucional de Colombia. Buscando la dimensión internacional, se hace una brevísima sinopsis del tránsito constitucional, para luego tratar de mostrar dos aspectos: Cuál es la razón de que la Corte Constitucional se haya puesto tan de moda en Colombia; En segundo lugar, cómo han asumido los poderes públicos tradicionales el cambio constitucional y qué tan dispuestos están a aceptar la nueva cultura de los derechos humanos.

The Constitutional Reform Law No. 20,050 of 2005 introduced a healthy set of reforms to the Political Constitution. We say healthy because, along with leaving behind certain authoritarian features of the original text, it contributed to the objective of bringing the Constitution closer to the citizens and this for several reasons. Among them, because they are reforms agreed upon by almost all political sectors, to include some ideals of law present in society, in short, to make a reality in the text of the Fundamental Charter the best remedies insistently proposed by the constitutional doctrine since that she began to rule. ; La Ley de Reforma Constitucional N° 20.050 del año 2005 introdujo a la Constitución Política un saludable conjunto de reformas a su texto. Decimos saludable pues a la par de dejar atrás ciertos rasgos autoritarios del texto original, contribuyó al objetivo de acercar a la Constitución con los ciudadanos y ello por varias razones. Entre ellas, por tratarse de unas reformas pactadas entre casi todos los sectores políticos, por recoger algunos ideales de derecho presentes en la sociedad, en fin, por hacer realidad en el texto de la Carta Fundamental los mejores remedios insistentemente propuestos por la doctrina constitucional desde que ella comenzara a regir.

This article denies that the current recourse of unification of jurisprudence must be understood as a mechanism that incorporates to the Chilean legislation the judicial precedent, as being contrary to the proper postulates of a traditional rule of law state. lts reason rests on a dogmatic-politic premise, that is, the content of the constitutional provisions must be set by rules, made by political deliberation, and not left to an elite group as it is the Supreme Court, at the cost of appropriating a strictly political discussion. This appropriation, combined with a mechanism of binding precedent, would let the judge in a situation comparable to that of the legislature. ; Este artículo niega que el actual recurso de unificación de jurisprudencia deba ser entendido como un mecanismo que incorpora a la legislación chilena el precedente judicial, por ser contrario a los postulados propios del estado de derecho tradicional. Su razonamiento radica en una premisa dogmático-política, esto es, el contenido de las cláusulas constitucionales debe ser fijado mediante reglas –formuladas deliberación política mediante-, y no dejarse a un cuerpo de elite como lo es la Corte Suprema, a costa de apropiarse de una discusión propiamente política. Dicha apropiación, unida a un mecanismo de precedente obligatorio, dejaría al juez en una situación equiparable a la del legislador.

Nudges are interventions that encourage people to make particular choices by shaping the context in which the choices are made. These interventions can have major impacts because of quirks in the way that human beings process information. Cass Sunstein places nudges at the core of a regulatory philosophy of "libertarian paternalism," which suggests that while the government should generally preserve the freedom of citizens to make their own choices, it should also intervene to improve on the choices it deems self-destructive. In Why Nudge?, Sunstein defends libertarian paternalism against John Stuart Mill's Harm Principle, which holds that the government is only justified in coercing a person when it is acting to prevent harm to others. This Review uses an analogy to voting paradoxes to show that the type of quirks exploited by nudges can occur whenever people attempt to reconcile multiple, inconsistent goals. The fact of inconsistent goals also means that regulators deploying nudges must select their own objectives. Absent a harm to others, the legitimacy of such a selection is open to question. Legislatures are also structurally prone to many of the same quirks as individuals, meaning that governments must adopt troubling institutional arrangements to root out irrationality. Given the breadth and flexibility of the Harm Principle, there is little reason to abandon it.