Suchergebnisse

Esta investigación se pregunta por los límites y las oportunidades de la participación de antiguos antagonistas en escenarios de participación política (no electoral) en el posconflicto, con la finalidad de aportar al debate sobre los espacios y las formas de participación, y con el objetivo de poder prever algunos resultados esperados al propiciar ejercicios de participación política y cómo estos podrían afectar las posibilidades de reconciliación. De igual manera, esta investigación analiza algunos experimentos recientes de deliberación política realizados entre actores centrales del posconflicto: excombatientes, víctimas y comunidades, a fin de identificar las condiciones necesarias para que sea posible el ejercicio de los derechos políticos sin generar obstáculos para la construcción de la paz. Así mismo, pretende identificar las principales oportunidades y los más relevantes riesgos que tienen los experimentos de deliberación para el ejercicio de los derechos políticos y para la reconciliación. El análisis consiste en conocer qué ocurre con las actitudes de grupos antagonistas de un conflicto cuando son convocados para discutir sobre sus posibilidades de convivencia en el largo plazo en escenarios de participación política no electoral. ; This research asks about the limits and opportunities of the participation of former antagonists in scenarios of political (non-electoral) participation in the post-conflict, with the aim of contributing to the debate on spaces and forms of participation, and with the objective of to be able to foresee some expected results when promoting exercises of political participation and how these could affect the possibilities of reconciliation. Similarly, this research analyzes some recent experiments in political deliberation among central actors of the post-conflict: ex-combatants, victims and communities, in order to identify the necessary conditions for the exercise of political rights without creating obstacles for the construction of peace. Likewise, it aims to identify the main opportunities and the most relevant risks that deliberation experiments have for the exercise of political rights and for reconciliation. The analysis consists of knowing what happens with the attitudes of antagonistic groups of a conflict when they are summoned to discuss their possibilities of long-term cohabitation in non-electoral political participation scenarios.

International audience ; In recent years, to manage the after-effects and disputes inherited from civil wars or authoritarian regimes, many rulers have been led to set up a so-called "transitional" justice. In the standard United Nations concept, the latter refers to the implementation of various practices aimed ultimately at creating the conditions for national reconciliation and democratic stabilization in countries emerging from episodes of political violence. More specifically, the democratization of political regimes is presented by the promoters of transitional justice as the guarantee of non-repetition of human rights violations. In this context, justice reform appears as a prerequisite for the independence of the judiciary and the right of people to a fair trial. Not far from ten years after the outbreak of the Arab revolts, what about the reform of justice and the implementation of transitional justice on the southern shore of the Mediterranean? ; Ces dernières années, pour gérer les séquelles et les contentieux hérités de guerres civiles ou de régimes autoritaires, de nombreux gouvernants ont été conduits à mettre en place une justice dite « transitionnelle ». Dans la conception standard des Nations unies, cette dernière renvoie à la mise en oeuvre de pratiques diverses visant in fine à créer les conditions d'une réconciliation nationale et d'une stabilisation démocratique dans des pays sortant d'épisodes de violence politique. Plus précisément, la démocratisation des régimes politiques est présentée par les promoteurs de la justice transitionnelle comme la garantie d'une nonrépétition des violations des droits humains. Dans ce cadre, la réforme de la justice apparaîtcomme une condition indispensable à l'indépendance de l'appareil judiciaire et au droit des justiciables à un procès équitable. Pas loin de dix ans après le déclanchement des révoltes arabes, qu'en est-il de la réforme de la justice et de la mise en oeuvre de la justice transitionnelle sur la rive sud de la Méditerranée ?

International audience ; In recent years, to manage the after-effects and disputes inherited from civil wars or authoritarian regimes, many rulers have been led to set up a so-called "transitional" justice. In the standard United Nations concept, the latter refers to the implementation of various practices aimed ultimately at creating the conditions for national reconciliation and democratic stabilization in countries emerging from episodes of political violence. More specifically, the democratization of political regimes is presented by the promoters of transitional justice as the guarantee of non-repetition of human rights violations. In this context, justice reform appears as a prerequisite for the independence of the judiciary and the right of people to a fair trial. Not far from ten years after the outbreak of the Arab revolts, what about the reform of justice and the implementation of transitional justice on the southern shore of the Mediterranean? ; Ces dernières années, pour gérer les séquelles et les contentieux hérités de guerres civiles ou de régimes autoritaires, de nombreux gouvernants ont été conduits à mettre en place une justice dite « transitionnelle ». Dans la conception standard des Nations unies, cette dernière renvoie à la mise en oeuvre de pratiques diverses visant in fine à créer les conditions d'une réconciliation nationale et d'une stabilisation démocratique dans des pays sortant d'épisodes de violence politique. Plus précisément, la démocratisation des régimes politiques est présentée par les promoteurs de la justice transitionnelle comme la garantie d'une nonrépétition des violations des droits humains. Dans ce cadre, la réforme de la justice apparaîtcomme une condition indispensable à l'indépendance de l'appareil judiciaire et au droit des justiciables à un procès équitable. Pas loin de dix ans après le déclanchement des révoltes arabes, qu'en est-il de la réforme de la justice et de la mise en oeuvre de la justice transitionnelle sur la rive sud de la Méditerranée ?

1 .1 Background The Indigenous life expectancy gap is a major public health challenge for Australia. The persistent severity of the health differential and comparisons on an international scale demonstrate that Australia's response to this issue to date has been insufficient. Renewed political resolve has been generated by the commitment of the Council of Australian Governments (COAG) to 'close the gap within a generation. However, in light of the timeframe needed to resolve many of the underlying issues contributing to the health gap, this aim may not be achievable. A shorter-term focus on rigorous and wide-spread implementation of evidence-based process measures is needed. This will increase the transparency and accountability of the health reconciliation process. However, the question of how best to allocate resources in order to maximise the public health benefits remains unresolved. One approach is to focus on the areas that contribute significantly to the health gap. Obesity is an important chronic disease risk factor and accounts for 16% of the gap in morbiditiy and mortality between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people. The health consequences of obesity can be severe, notably due to the increased risk of chronic conditions such as cardiovascular disease (CVD ) and type 2 diabetes. Reducing obesity prevalence through prevention therefore warrants more concerted effort on behalf of all stakeholders in Indigenous health. The purpose of this paper is to report on and critically examine the evidence surrounding the effectiveness of potential obesity prevention strategies targeted to Indigenous Australians. A secondary aim is to compare this evidence base to existing federal policy concerning strategies that contribute, both directly and indirectly, to the prevention of obesity in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. This process will allow identification of the strengths and gaps in these policies . The evidence base was broken up into six main categories: 1. health promotion; 2. food security; 3. maternal and child health; 4. the indigenous health workforce; 5. t he environmental determinants of weight, and; 6. research and data collection. Key findings from the literature review and comparison with current policy, categorised according to the above themes, are as follows. 1.2 Key Findings Health Promotion • The concept of 'culturally appropriate' interventions is valuable but in many cases requires further research for clarification of meaning. • Health promotion initatives related to traditional activities and connection with homelands such as natural resource management have great potential for obesity prevention. • Community control is a key component of successful and sustainable interventions. Food Security • Achieving and maintaining food security for all community members is an essential service and underpins the success of other obesity prevention programs. • Access to health food can be seen as an essential service that may require subsidisation Maternal and Child Health • Evidence supporting the effectiveness of health promotion programs targeted to children is not strong, however childhood represents an important opportunity to initiate prevention before excess weight begins to appear. • Ante- and post-natal care programs allow health workers to impart infant and child nutrition information to mothers as well as to minimize intrauterine and early life obesity risk factors. The Indigenous Health Workforce • Capacity building in the Indigenous health workforce is necessary to support obesity interventions in Indigenous communities. The Environmental Determinants of Health • Evidence for the effectiveness of short-term projects such as income management that attempt to circumvent the socioeconomic determinants of obesity is not strong. • Household and community structure to facilitate preparation and storage of food and physical activity respectively are necessary in order to avoid the creation of obesogenic environments. Research and Data Collection • Further research specific to Indigenous Australians is needed, particularly the systematic evaluation of interventions. • National systems which collate data and compile information concerning interventions and their outcomes may help to ensure greater transparency and accountability in regards to achieving the aim of closing the life expectancy gap within a generation. • Quantity and allocation of funding may be a barrier to effective intervention research.

Truth commissions have become a widespread and normalized institutions for addressing past human rights violations. One of the central ideas behind the concept of truth commissions is that it is necessary to establish the truth about the past and allow victims to speak publicly about the violations to which they have been exposed. Truth and truth-telling are presumed to contribute to justice in the aftermath of large-scale human rights violations. The aim of this study is to critically analyse the concept of truth commissions by looking at three normative assumptions that underlie their establishment and their work. The three normative assumptions are problematized with the help of three research questions concerning a tenable understanding of justice in the aftermath of large-scale human rights violations, the role of truth for justice, and the impacts of truth-telling, respectively. The main argument of the study presents a challenge to truth commissions' proclaimed aim of contributing to justice. Drawing on Jacques Derrida's and Paul Ricœur's perspectives on justice, I argue that taking political and moral responsibility for the committed atrocities is the most tenable option. From this perspective, using truth commissions as institutions of restorative justice may be counterproductive. This study asserts that their focus on truth and truth-telling leads to a depoliticization of past violence and, hence, insufficient responsibility being taken for the atrocities. The concept of depoliticization is developed with the help of Michel Foucault's analysis of the relationship between truth and power and Hannah Arendt's notion of the political and its relation to truth. I argue that even though the decision to establish a truth commission is a political one, it aims at redirecting the problem of responsibility for human rights violations from the political domain to the quasi-judicial, resulting in the evasion of not only legal but also moral and political responsibility. The philosophical arguments of the study are contextualized through an examination of Morocco's Equity and Reconciliation Commission.

Front Cover; Author biography; Other titles in UQP's New Approaches to Peace and Conflict series; Title page; Imprint page; Dedication; Note from Series Editor; Contents; List of tables and graphs; Preface; Introduction; Chapter 1 - Where and when do religious conflicts occur?; Chapter 2 - Which religious conflicts are difficult to resolve?; Chapter 3 - How do religious issue conflicts get resolved through peace agreements?; Chapter 4 - How do religious issue conflicts get resolved through concessions?; Chapter 5 - Towards a theory of desacralisation; Chapter 6 - Implications. - AcknowledgementsNotes; References; Index. - An exploration of how religious dimensions affect the possibilities for conflict resolution in civil war, this account systematically attempts to map out the religious dimensions of internal armed conflicts and to explain the conditions under which religious dimensions impede peaceful settlement. Drawing upon empirical work on global data, and based on the Uppsala Conflict Data Program, this book shows how religious identities and incompatibilities influence the likelihood of agreements and the mechanisms through which parties and third-party me

The article opens with some ethnographic considerations on art as a means tonarrate the historical contours of the conflict and reconciliation processes inColombia. It examines how artwork created by conflict victims impinges onthe politics of victimhood and processes of integral reparation. To analyzethese issues, I propose a theoretical framework based on notions of visuality,transparency, and images and relate them to concepts of governance, nationformation, and models of restorative justice. I defend an approach that considersthat art produced by victims not only is as a form of resistance that makespolitics visible, but also is part of the apparatus of transitional justice. ; El punto de partida de este artículo son algunas reflexiones etnográficas sobre el arte como medio para narrar los contornos históricos del conflicto y los procesos de reconciliación en Colombia. En particular, considero cómo el arte creado por víctimas del conflicto influencia las políticas de victimismo (victimhood) y los procesos legales de reparación integral. Para analizar estos temas, propongo un marco teórico a partir de literatura acerca de las nociones de visualidad,transparencia e imágenes, y las pongo en relación con los conceptos degobernanza, formación de la nación y con modelos de justicia restaurativa. Así, pretendo defender una aproximación que considera el arte de las víctimas no solo como una forma de resistencia en la cual la presencia de lo político se hace visible, sino también como parte del aparato de justicia transicional. ; O ponto de partida deste artigo são algumas reflexões etnográficas sobre a arte comomeio para narrar os contornos históricos do conflito e os processos de reconciliaçãona Colômbia. Em particular, considero como a arte criada por vítimas do conflitoinfluencia as políticas de vitimismo (victimhood) e os processos legais de reparaçãointegral. Para analisar esses temas, proponho um referencial teórico a partir daliteratura acerca das noções de visualidade, transparência e imagens, e coloco-asem relação com os conceitos de governança, formação da nação e com modelos dejustiça restaurativa. Assim, pretendo defender uma aproximação que considera aarte das vítimas não somente como uma forma de resistência na qual a presença dopolítico se torna visível, mas também como parte do aparato de justiça de transição.

International audience ; This article attempts to analyse the distinctive nature of the commemorations of the Spanish Civil War that have been taking place in the North and the Republic of Ireland, and the partnerships of the memorial groups with Spanish correspondents. Using press archives and interviews, I argue that the commemorations are part of a delayed process of recovery of Ireland's historical memory of people who were often exiled or forgotten, as well as a contribution to cross-community reconciliation in Northern Ireland. This process of rediscovery takes place through the creation of lieux de mémoire in the form of plaques, stone monuments of various forms, artworks, murals and repeated commemorations across Ireland and Spain. Although this process has its roots in Irish republican groups, trade union and community activists, it has expanded sufficiently to attract attention in Spain and to put down roots in the Madrid area and in Catalonia, most notably through regular visits by the Friends of the International Brigades Ireland group. The commemorations seem to remain more informal than in the United Kingdom, perhaps reflecting their recent development in the wake of the all-consuming Troubles that previously left less space for such activities.

International audience ; This article attempts to analyse the distinctive nature of the commemorations of the Spanish Civil War that have been taking place in the North and the Republic of Ireland, and the partnerships of the memorial groups with Spanish correspondents. Using press archives and interviews, I argue that the commemorations are part of a delayed process of recovery of Ireland's historical memory of people who were often exiled or forgotten, as well as a contribution to cross-community reconciliation in Northern Ireland. This process of rediscovery takes place through the creation of lieux de mémoire in the form of plaques, stone monuments of various forms, artworks, murals and repeated commemorations across Ireland and Spain. Although this process has its roots in Irish republican groups, trade union and community activists, it has expanded sufficiently to attract attention in Spain and to put down roots in the Madrid area and in Catalonia, most notably through regular visits by the Friends of the International Brigades Ireland group. The commemorations seem to remain more informal than in the United Kingdom, perhaps reflecting their recent development in the wake of the all-consuming Troubles that previously left less space for such activities.

Intro -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Author's Note -- Prologue: "Nothing but Cruel Abuse, from Morning till Night" -- 1. "A Likely Negro Girl," 1820-1835 -- 2. "A Scar on Each Hand," 1836-1849 -- 3. "Nothing but the Devil Up Here," 1850-1859 -- 4. "We're Goin' to Be Free," 1860-1865 -- 5. "All That I Had Left to Remember You," 1866-1956 -- Epilogue: "Prayers for Forgiveness, Healing and Reconciliation" -- Appendix: List of Memphis and Shelby County Slaves -- Sources -- About the Author.

The geographic and historic setting; Egypt responds to the West -- Pan-Islam, Egyptian nationalism and Arabism; Nasser and the rise of Arab nationalism in Egypt; Sadat and his early foreign policy; the October War and its aftermath; oil diplomacy and Arab reconciliation; eight players in search of a peace conference -- the Geneva preparations of 1977; the road to Jerusalem; Camp David and its consequences; the making of a new Arab coalition; foreign policy and the search for national identity; Arab politics and the peace process.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction: Understanding -- 1. Inner Awakening -- 2. Shadows -- 3. Love and Saint Augustine -- 4. Life of a Jewess -- 5. Turn Towards Politics -- 6. 'We Refugees' -- 7. Internment -- 8. State of Emergency -- 9. Transition -- 10. Friendship -- 11. Reconciliation -- 12. The Origins of Totalitarianism -- 13. Amor Mundi -- 14. Between Past and Future -- 15. Eichmann in Jerusalem -- 16. On Revolution -- 17. Men in Dark Times -- 18. Crises of the Republic -- 19. The Life of the Mind -- 20. Storytelling -- References -- Select Bibliography -- Acknowledgements -- Photo Acknowledgements.

Intro -- Half-Title -- Series -- Dedication -- Title -- Contents -- Introduction: An Idea Whose Time Has Come -- 1 The Limits of Violence -- 2 An Obligation to Dissent and to Disobey: Henry David Thoreau and After -- 3 Bringing Ethics into Politics: The Gandhian Satyagraha -- 4 The Strength of Love: Martin Luther King, Jr. and The Drum Major for Social Justice -- 5 Reconciliation and Negotiation: Nelson Mandela and Vaclav Havel -- 6 The Seeds of Compassion: Mother Teresa and Dalai Lama -- Conclusion: Limits of Nonviolence -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- Copyright.