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The article explores how inequality is produced in the modern world. The article categorizes different types of inequality and describes how they have a detrimental effect on the quality of human life. The author lists vital, existential and material inequalities as the basic manifestations of the phenomenon. The author is also interested in the mechanisms through which inequality is brought about. Exploitation of workers in the developing world as well as the distantiation of incomes and life expectancies are major mechanisms for creating inequality within the capitalist system. The author argues that the extension of solvent markets and the increased autonomy of financial markets are largely responsible for the increase in income gaps between countries in the developing and developed worlds. The author also indicts the risky financial practices that led to the 2008 economic crisis for further aggravating the problem of inequality. The article concludes by proposing that states try to correct the problem through judicious use of social welfare, such as is practiced in Scandinavia. Kenny Cargill

This article tackles the historical basis and development of the issue of anti-Semitism and examines its perception and impact in the Arab world. The author argues persuasively that anti-Semitism is specific to European racism against Jews. He does not attempt to deflect the term by arguing, as some have done, that Arabs are a Semitic people, but rather unequivocally condemns anti-Semitism and racism of any sort. The author debunks major myths or misconceptions about anti-Semitism and deals frankly with questions of its political utility with regard to Zionism, Israel and Palestine. In the present day, Holocaust denial is unconscionable and, in the end, is not only morally unacceptable, but in the words of the author 'just plain stupid'. The author castigates Arab and Muslim groups which may take such a stance, arguing that the correct response and Arab reaction to the Holocaust was the simple, straightforward and rational one – a European tragedy, but not one for which the Arabs should assume responsibility.

Abstract.  This article is a reply to Marcia Grimes's 2006 contribution to the European Journal of Political Research entitled 'Organizing consent: The role of procedural fairness in political trust and compliance'. The remarks focus on two main points. First, the author discusses the conceptual basis of the study, to argue that trust and legitimacy are quite different concepts that should not be used synonymously. In particular, the author challenges the conceptualization of (subjective) legitimacy in that institutional legitimacy is partly defined as institutional trust. Additionally, the author justifies why (institutional) trust should not be treated as a 'component' of (institutional) legitimacy. Second, the author deals with a methodological problem in Grimes' article. This problem refers to the operationalization of norms of fairness in order to examine the influence of perceived fairness in decision processes on citizens' beliefs of legitimacy. Summing up the author's conceptual and methodological objections, this article offers a somewhat different interpretation of Grimes' main findings.

The study of ethnicity is dominated by constructivist approaches, yet empirical studies of civil war have been oblivious to their insights. In this article, the author examines the relationship between ethnic identity and civil war and points to several empirical instances of fluidity in the behavioral expression of ethnic identities within civil war. The author identifies two processes that are consistent with constructivist theorizing: identity shift and ethnic defection. The author provides several empirical illustrations along with a micro-level test of the determinants of ethnic defection. At the micro level, ethnic defection is best predicted by the extent of territorial control exercised by the incumbent political actor and the level of prior insurgent violence. The author also hypothesizes that at the macro level, ethnic defection is a function of the resources available to incumbent actors and conclude by stressing the need to take seriously the endogenous dynamics of civil wars.

In this reply to a critique of his book Economic Justice & Democracy: From Composition to Cooperation (2005), the author responds to disagreements on what it will take to replace the economics of competition & greed with the economics of equitable cooperation. The argument that economic justice requires compensation according to sacrifices & provision for basic needs is acknowledged to be simplistic in the distinction between "for reasons of justice" & "for reasons of humanity." The concept of "effort rating inflation" addresses the issue of establishing rules for placing caps for social benefit and social cost ratio. The critiques on self-management and participatory planning are clarified, & the author questions the meaning of the critic's question. The critique that the author did not solve the NIMBY problem is refuted, & the fifty percent rule for international economic relations are clarified. Although the author & critic agree on many points, the provisions for self-management, environmental protection & participatory economy in economic justice are can at best, only be approximated. J. Harwell

1. The author traces mass evaluations of B.Yeltsin during 1988-2007 years, showing the turning points (1989-1990, 1995-1996) and group variations in collective perception of Russia's first President. The author contemplates the issue of the types of political leadership in the country (symbolic figures of Stalin, Brezhnev, Gorbachev, Yeltsin, Putin) and changing of these types: fluctuations of liking and disliking for them in various groups of population, working of social memory mechanisms, mass media reinterpre-tations of them, mass excluding and oblivion. ; 1. The author traces mass evaluations of B.Yeltsin during 1988-2007 years, showing the turning points (1989-1990, 1995-1996) and group variations in collective perception of Russia's first President. The author contemplates the issue of the types of political leadership in the country (symbolic figures of Stalin, Brezhnev, Gorbachev, Yeltsin, Putin) and changing of these types: fluctuations of liking and disliking for them in various groups of population, working of social memory mechanisms, mass media reinterpre-tations of them, mass excluding and oblivion.

In this paper the author deals with the concept of social trust. Since the concept has so far been neglected in the political science research in Croatia, the author intends to map it out for the scientific and expert political science public and lay the foundations for its future use. By means of the secondary data analysis, the author describes the state of social trust in Croatia. First he contextualizes the concept of social trust from the perspective of the dominant approaches in political science research; then he identifies the distinguishing features of social trust in relation to the other types of the trust; and finally, he provides an overview of major works on the importance and functions of social trust. The last portion of the paper is devoted to the analysis of the levels of social trust which shows that Croatia is a society with low levels of social trust which, according to the author, may represent an obstacle for political and economic development. Adapted from the source document.

In this essay in the special section Mobilization Forum: Awkward Movements, the author investigates the inherent awkwardness created by of the theme of studying awkward social movements in terms of analytical utility of such as conceptualization of a category. The author reflects on personal feelings of moral or political objection as a participant observer of several NIMBY social movements, & suggests careful designation of particular movement practice or characteristics to avoid pushing a movement into the awkward category. The author suggests using terms such as extraordinary groups or counter culture as better conceptual handles, to reduce bias, & the consequences of not studying uncomfortable or Too Popular social movements are discussed. The author concludes that identification or objection to a group by students of social movements are commonplace, & reframes the concept of awkwardness as a relational property that is nested in the nature of the research relationship, rather than as a property of the movement as a particular type. J. Harwell

The article considers the current problems of agricultural sector in Russia. According to the author, the situation is a lingering specific agricultural crisis, and to cope with the problem it is necessary to provide the investment budget for the realization of the general policy of the priority national project Agribusiness Industry Development. He subscribes to the opinion that the sector needs more government control. The author also submits an alternative outlook on the short-term development of the sector. ; The article considers the current problems of agricultural sector in Russia. According to the author, the situation is a lingering specific agricultural crisis, and to cope with the problem it is necessary to provide the investment budget for the realization of the general policy of the priority national project Agribusiness Industry Development. He subscribes to the opinion that the sector needs more government control. The author also submits an alternative outlook on the short-term development of the sector.

Having in mind the long evolution of constitutions & constitutional politics & the universal appeal of the process of the interplay between virtue & demagogy that occurs during presidential elections, the author touches on several topics. The first are the standard "dogmatic" comparative provisions regarding the election of the head of state which the author looks into through the constitutional-legal prism of the so called selection effect. As the institution of the president of the republic exists in many constitutions & is thus among the most significant institutionalized aspects of political & social life of every country, the author focuses on the extent in which that institution in the electoral context contributes to the affirmation of republicanism, democracy & public sphere. The author concludes that the election of presidents & the effects of electoral selection, among other things, affect the process of political integration that ought -- to not only in Croatia but everywhere & due to a plethora of reasons -- promote the universally accepted ontological principles of contemporary constitutional-democratic state. Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper is an analytic retrospective of the author?s work during the preceding research period, involving the study of role, meaning and place of stereotypes in identity discourses. In order to explain the reasons for and ways of dealing with stereotypes, she reviews the evolution of her own research approach and the alternative approaches to the topic from the perspective of various scholarly disciplines. Seeking to avoid the trap of ?interpreting (ethnic) stereotypes stereotypically?, the author chooses not to follow the usual method whereby ethnic stereotypes are ?deconstructed? as false and generalizing image of oneself and others, and exposed to social-psychological and political-anthropological critique. Instead, the author looks at stereotypes primarily in terms of their linguistic and social ?semiotics? and their theoretical and practical usability. Stressing the necessity of relativizing the binary structure of discourse, the author argues that stereotypes, though indispensable as elements of the ?economy? of language and thought, should be socially conceptualized and historicized in analysis.

Using a sample of 101 heterosexual, coresidential couples, the author evaluates four housework theories: gender ideology, relative resources, time availability, and doing gender. Unlike some tests of these theories, the author operationalizes gender ideology as an identity, and the author tests the models on the traditionally feminine chores as well as the traditionally masculine and gender-neutral chores. Using the new operationalization, the author finds that gender ideology is related to the allocation of feminine tasks but generally unrelated to the division of nonfemininechores. Wives' and husbands'time availability also helps explain the division of feminine and, to a lesser extent, gender-neutral chores. Some socioeconomic resources are related to the allocation of each housework category although absolute and relative resources often have contrasting effects when controlling for both. Regardless of gender ideology, time availability, or resources, however, wives do a significantly greater share of their family's total and feminine housework, and husbands do a significantly greater share of their family's masculine chores.

AbstractDiscourse ethics, as related to design conversation, is a primary factor in the conceptions, decisions, and actions undertaken in the systems design processes. Considerations for what is ethical as well as who determines the system of ethics that guide the design of a human activity system are questions that must be addressed. In this paper, the author examines the importance of discourse ethics in the design of educational systems, situating ethicality within the conversational nature of social systems design. The author first discusses the ethical responsibility of educational systems design. Second, the author explores design conversation as an ethical human activity system. The author then examines discourse ethics and ethical discourse, concluding with an examination of design praxis as a stance taken by the user–designer who engages critically, reflectively, and intentionally in an inquiry that belongs intrinsically to a project of self‐understanding—realize the individual and social 'self' through authentic engagements. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This article provides an insider's view of Gorbachev's policy "perestroika and glasnost" as it related to the former Central and Eastern European socialist countries. The author describes Gorbachev's relations with the leaders of communist parties of the Warsaw Treaty. A participant in many of Gorbachev's meetings with his counterparts, the author analyzes the emergence of democracy and market reforms in these countries. He observed two distinct groups of socialist leaders, one relatively progressive and reform oriented and the other consisting of hardliners with traditional views opposed to any political and economic change. The author describes their attitude toward Gorbachev's reforms. Based on his personal experience with the Soviet leader, the author also identifies some of the characteristics that made Mikhail Gorbachev one of the most distinguished leaders of the twentieth century, based on his personal experience with the Soviet leader. The author's description highlights lesser-known aspects of Gorbachev's performance that complete a portrait of this complex person.

The author argues that research into men and masculinities has failed to seriously engage with some central insights of queer theory. In particular, an interrogation of how the institution of heterosexuality underlies modern constructs of masculinity has been largely untouched. Although queer theory owes much to postwar French philosophy, the author draws here on its earlier German heritage, especially Heidegger's understanding of "technology," to consider the historical production of the idea of a "male sex" and problematize its position as a secure foundation for theorizing about "masculinity." The eighteenth century was a key period for the emergence of the modern gender regime, and the author suggests that changes during this period, particularly in terms of secularization and men's relationship to their mortality, were central in constructing a conception of masculinity that relies on heterosexuality. Finally, the author argues, against some recent commentators, that the historical reality of masculinity must be recognized and foregrounded in attempts to overcome gendered inequalities.