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"In Politics and Civics of National Service, Melissa Bass focuses on the history, current relevance, and impact of domestic national service. She argues that only by examining programs over time can we understand national service's successes and limitations, both in terms of its political support and its civic lessons. Based on extensive archival and documentary research, supplemented with interviews, The Politics and Civics of National Service provides the first detailed policy history of VISTA and AmeriCorps and of America's main national service programs taken together as a whole. Moreover, Bass furthers our understanding of twentieth-century American political development by comparing programs founded during three distinct political eras--the New Deal, the Great Society, and the early Clinton years--and tracing them over time. To a remarkable extent, the CCC, VISTA, and AmeriCorps reflect the policymaking ethos and political controversies of their times, illuminating principles that hold well beyond the field of national service. The Politics and Civics of National Service expertly evaluates the civic effects of national service policy in the context of political development in the United States. At the same time, by emphasizing the programs' effects on citizenship and civic engagement, this volume deepens our understanding of how programs can act as "public policy for democracy.""--Publisher's website

In the past twenty years, social scientists have produced a substantial literature in English on Taiwan's domestic politics. In a review of more than 150 books, articles, & chapters, this article traces the development of that literature & identifies its main themes & topics -- including political economy, social change, critical Taiwan studies, ethnicity & national identity, democratization & democratic consolidation, constitutional issues, institutional development, election studies, political parties & coalitions, & policy making. The article finds the field of Taiwanese politics divided into area studies, theoretically driven or policy-oriented research. The author advocates more integration of these approaches as well as more cross-fertilization between qualitative & quantitative work, & between US-based & Taiwan-based researchers. The author also identifies topics in need of additional research, including partisanship & party realignment, institutional reform, legislative politics, bureaucratic politics, & pre-1945 political development. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 156 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article details how Truman State U's political science program has been structured to provide a curriculum that encourages skill building to promote postgraduation marketability & success. By following the recommendations given by the AAC Task Force on the Political Science Major, the political science faculty established three objectives (attitudes, knowledge, & skills) to serve as the foundation for their curriculum. Next, they created a logical order of required courses that promotes the development of targeted skills, culminating with a senior seminar as a "capstone" experience. Finally, careful local & national assessment methods (such as student exit interviews & the MFAT standardized test) are utilized to keep the faculty abreast as to how well the objectives are achieved. Although there are no data that directly compares Truman U political science majors with political science majors from other universities, alternative evidence indicates that this structured curriculum has served its students well. 2 Tables, 7 References. M. D. Cowder

The article is devoted to the analysis of the phenomenon of lysenkoism as a practice of administrative reprisals against scientific opponents, which devel­oped in the natural sciences in the late 1920s and early 1930s, and developing in accordance with the emergence and transformation of the totalitarian political regime in the USSR. The scientific and ideological reasons for the emergence of lysenkoism as a system of theoretical views and philosophical and method­ological attitudes of T.D. Lysenko and his followers, summarizing under them the elements of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine. The position on the "inheri­tance of acquired traits" and the denial of the role of genes in the transmission of hereditary information were put forward by T.D. Lysenko as the basis for administratively promoted recommendations for obtaining forms with "altered heredity" in a short time, which caused the destruction of the foundations of breeding work, seed production and animal husbandry in the country. The es­calation of lysenkoism as a method of ideological struggle against scientific op­ponents in biological and agricultural science, which took place against the back­drop of a tightening of the political regime, led to the denial of classical genetics, the ban on genetic research, defamation and reprisals against scientists who did not share the views of T.D. Lysenko. Modern approaches to attempts to reassess the personality of T.D. Lysenko and the revival of his ideas from the point of view of new data in genetic science. Populist and propagandistic publications about T.D. Lysenko is criticized. The inconsistency of the identification of the para­digms of neolysenkoism and epigenetics is substantiated in view of the interpre­tation of epigenetic mechanisms of inheritance. The controversy around lysenko­ism and modern pseudogenetic theories, taking place on an international scale, allows us to state that the complexity and drama of the development of soviet ge­netics were directly related to the priority of state ideology and philosophy over the scientific process, and to draw conclusions about the inadmissibility of such an approach in the future.

ABSTRACTWomen earn approximately half of all bachelor's degrees in political science but they comprise only 22% of full professors. Scholars have offered various likely explanations and proposed many interventions to improve women's advancement. This article reviews existing research regarding the effectiveness of these interventions. We find that many of the proposed interventions have yet to be fully evaluated. Furthermore, some of the policies that have been evaluated turn out to be ineffective. Women's mentoring and networking workshops are the most promising of the fully tested interventions. The potential for failure underscores the need for additional evaluation of any proposed intervention before widespread implementation.

The centenary of Merriam's birth provides the opportunity to reappraise the consequences of his prophetic advocacy of a more scientific expression and systematization of political knowledge. The vehicle for this appraisal is a comparison of Merriam's 'activist" epistemology wjth the more self-limiting methodology of Max Weber who, perhaps among all twentieth-century social scientists, stated most explicitly and experienced most poignantly the tensions among the requirements of acquiring objective knowledge about politics and exercising responsibility in political action. Notwithstanding their many points of difference, Merriam and Weber are interpreted as sharing common grounds of disbelief that the disjunction between science and politics will be removed by the development of a unifying, paradigmatic world-view, either within political science or between the several sciences of man, nature, and society. The political context and role of scientists are visualized by the author as consisting in: (1) mastering the personal temptations and obstacles to achieving their own peculiar brand of political competence, (2) securing public recognition and respect for the factual-scientific component of controversial situations involving their sphere of expertness, and (3) acting upon the assumption of joint skills and contributions, along with other scientists, philosophers, technicians (including politicians), and participating citizens in improving the utilization of scientific research in the formulation of public policy and reform of governing institutions.