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In the view of the European Commission and many EU scholars, European democracy should be deliberative and the democratisation process as such fostered via civil society involvement. But until now, no one has developed a plausible EU-specific theory of associative democratisation. This gap might be filled by looking at democratisation theories for national settings. This article discusses the scope of applicability for the EU environment of three of the most prominent normative conceptions of (deliberative) democracy (Christiano, Cohen/Rogers and Habermas), which in particular deal with associational involvement in national political systems. Their underlying empirical assumptions about the nature of associations, the political framework and so on are taken up and contrasted with the persistent empirical conditions in the EU. For different reasons, none of these models of associational involvement works properly at EU level and, thus, only a restricted vision of democratic associational involvement in EU decision making is viable. Notwithstanding, the EU political system is still far away from institutionalising even this modest vision. Adapted from the source document.

Reviews research on women in the executive branch of government; focus on whether representation by women effects political advocacy on behalf of women, and on how women's political career opportunities compare with those of men; US. Emphasis on women appointed by either the president or a governor, or those in the elite levels of career service.

This article explores the following research questions: do local participation projects, such as youth councils, have a socializing effect on young people's political awareness; and do the young people involved attain power and influence in the local political field? The earliest and widely acknowledged political participation project among young people in Norway — the Porsgrunn Model — is used as a case study. This study includes two surveys supplemented by qualitative material. Based on a theoretical framework related to political socialization, democracy and political influence, the author discusses the status of youth councils in general and the Porsgrunn Model in particular. The findings imply that the local participation projects do not have an effect on young people's political awareness in general. However, young people who are directly involved in the participation process have a higher degree of political awareness than those who are outside this process. It is argued that this may be a cumulative effect where young people who are already politically active are also attracted to these structures. Furthermore, the author claims that these youth councils occupy an unclear position in the democratic process, which leaves the young people's possibilities to attain political influence at the mercy of politicians. Their 'potential power' seems to be valuable only if they operate in an 'elite–directed way', when the formal political rules, norms and communicative competence are used.

Starting from a two-dimensional understanding of trust in institutions, we examine the predictability of trust in political institutions and trust in non-political national institutions in explain voting and protest forms of citizen participation in politics, as well as the possible mediating role of satisfaction with the functioning of the political system. The paper is based on the Croatian data of the fifth wave of the European Values Study (EVS, 2018). Individual associations between the two forms of trust and the two types of participation indicate that greater confidence in political institutions is associated with more frequent electoral participation and a lower propensity for protest participation. In contrast, trust in non-political institutions is only associated with less propensity for protest participation. At the same time, both forms of political trust are strongly interconnected and accompanied by greater satisfaction with the functioning of the political system, which is weakly positively associated with voting and negatively associated with a tendency to protest. The multivariate analysis confirmed only the independent positive contribution of trust in political institutions to voting. We discuss the results in the context of the high association between the two forms of political trust in Croatian context, and the findings to date regarding the determinants of voting and protest participation as two forms of citizen participation in politics. ; Polazeći od dvodimenzionanog razumijevanja povjerenja u institucije, u radu provjeravamo prediktivnost povjerenja u političke institucije i povjerenja u nepolitičke nacionalne institucije za objašnjenje glasanja te protestnih oblika sudjelovanja građana u politici, kao i moguću posredujuću ulogu zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem političkog sustava. Rad se temelji na hrvatskim podacima petog vala Europske studije vrednota - ESV (European Values Study - EVS, 2018). Pojedinačne povezanosti dvaju oblika povjerenja i dvaju tipova sudjelovanja ukazuju da je izraženije povjerenje u političke institucije povezano s češćom izbornom participacijom, a manjom sklonošću prosvjednog sudjelovanja, dok je povjerenje u nepolitičke institucije povezano samo s manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju. Ujedno, oba su oblika političkog povjerenja snažno međusobno povezana, te praćena većim zadovoljstvom funkcioniranjem političkog sustava, a koje je u slaboj pozitivnoj vezi s glasanjem, te u negativnoj sa sklonošću prosvjedima. Multivarijatnom analizom potvrđen je samo samostalan pozitivni doprinos povjerenja u političke institucije za pojašnjenje glasanja. Rezultate raspravljamo u kontekstu visoke povezanosti dvaju oblika političkog povjerenja u hrvatskim uvjetima, te dosadašnjih nalaza o odrednicama glasanja i protestnog sudjelovanja kao dvaju oblika sudjelovanja građana u politici.

This study aims to describe how people's political participation in elections Mayor / Deputy Mayor of Palangkaraya in District Pahandut in 2013. People's political participation can be seen through the participation of the community in the campaign and polling (voting) can finally be concluded that the level of political participation of the community.Data sources of this study is secondary data which have been obtained from the District Election Committee (PPK) and Pahandut of the Voting Committee (PPS) in every village in the district Pahandut. Data collection techniques by performing the study and documentation of the village other materials related to the study. Field research is the data collection by jumping to a location using the enclosed questionnaire (questionnaire) as well as an interview with the head of the KDP Pahandut and communities have the right to vote.Sampling using Taro Yamane formula. Samples were taken of the number of voters registered in the voters list (DPT) in District Pahandut as many as 100 people from 49 160 people. While the data analysis technique used is descriptive quantitative in order to give an idea of the level of political participation in elections Mayor / Deputy Mayor Palangkaraya Pahandut Year 2013 in the district, whether it is through one's participation in the campaign and voting (voting).The results showed that the level of political participation of the community in the form of participation in campaign activities is still low at only 46 %. While the level of political participation of the community in the form of participation in the provision of voting rights (the election) is relatively high at 74.50 %.

ABSTRACT According to the article "Global Gender Gap Report 2020" of the World Economic Forum, on gender equality ranking roles by country, women's political participation in Vietnam has dropped ten places, from 77th in 2018 to 87th in 2019. Research results show that the majority of respondents believe both genders should play equal political roles in the country, although certain differences were observed in the attitudes of different groups of respondents on gender, age, and education level. These sub-groups also demonstrate certain notable trends when discussing measures to promote women's political participation in Vietnam.RESUMEN Según el artículo "Global Gender Gap Report 2020" del Foro Económico Mundial, sobre los roles de clasificación de la igualdad de género por país, la participación política de las mujeres en Vietnam ha caído diez lugares, del 77 en 2018 al 87 en 2019. Los resultados de la investigación muestran que la mayoría de los encuestados cree que ambos géneros deberían desempeñar papeles políticos iguales en el país, aunque se observaron ciertas diferencias en las actitudes de los diferentes grupos de encuestados sobre género, edad y nivel educativo. Estos subgrupos también demuestran ciertas tendencias notables cuando se discuten las medidas para promover la participación política de la mujer en Vietnam.

According to much of the extant literature, feelings and beliefs among many citizens of being left behind and unheard by unresponsive political decisionmakers, who lack moral integrity represent the epicenter of recent protest and populist discontent in democratic society. Based on survey data for 20 contemporary democracies from two ISSP waves, we found that anti-establishment attitudes are not shared among the majority of respondents. Although there are differences between country contexts. Such sentiment is associated with macrostructural dynamics, since unfavorable attitudes toward politicians are more widespread among publics in countries which are exposed to higher levels of public corruption and witnessed increasing levels of income inequality. Besides, such sentiment is also restricted to particular social groups of society, because hostile feelings toward political decisionmakers are stronger among citizens in the lower ranks of society and among younger birth cohorts. Since the beginning of the century and throughout the Great Recession, unfavorable attitudes toward politicians have not increased among the public in advanced democracies. However, our analysis indicates that respondents with such attitudes have increasingly turned toward voting for anti-elite parties to raise their voice and now make use of online options to express their political views more frequently than in the past. Overall, the analysis contributes to recent research on populist and reactionist dynamics in contemporary democracies by addressing dynamics and structures of the feeling of being left behind by political decisionmakers and its implications for political (in)activity.

Contested status : contemporary challenges to political elites and elite responses / Lars Vogel, Ronald Gebauer, and Axel Salheiser -- Elite autonomy and post-industrial problems of employment / John Higley -- On the (lack of) autonomy of political elites as representatives / Jean-Pascal Daloz -- Economic elites/political elites : scenes from a symbiosis / Heinrich Best -- European citizens and elites in times of economic crisis and citizen unrest / Ursula Hoffmann-Lange and Mindaugas Kuklys -- Degradable elites : modes and factors of parliamentary turnover in Europe in the early 21st century / Luca Verzichelli -- When political elites select political elites : insights into accumulation of autonomous political capital / Daniel Gaxie -- Careers of long-standing legislators and making of the parliamentary elite : evidence from 25 Baltic parliaments / Mindaugas Kuklys -- Recruitment of technocrats in Romanian cabinets / Laurentiu Stefan -- Farewell to the party elites : politically inexperienced ministers in Central and Eastern European cabinets / Elena Semenova -- Irresponsible elites in opposition and government : the Hungarian case / Gabriella Ilonszki and György Lengyel -- Theorists of their own practice : democracy as seen by Weimar politicians / Jens Borchert -- Immigration and its consequences for European integration : a multi-level analysis of European national representatives' perceptions / Ronald Gebauer and Lars Vogel.

The current debate on political participation is bound to a discussion about whether citizens are active or passive. This dichotomous notion is nurtured by an extensive normative debate concerning whether passivity is an asset or a threat to democracy; and it is especially manifest in studies of young people's political orientations. Drawing on this discussion, the present study goes beyond the dichotomy by keeping political interest conceptually separate from participation in order to improve our understanding of political passivity. Multivariate cluster analysis of empirical data on Swedish youth suggests that we need to consider three distinctive forms of 'political passivity'. In the paper we present empirical evidence not only of the existence of a particular 'standby citizen', but also of two kinds of genuinely passive young people: unengaged and disillusioned citizens. Alongside active citizens, these people are in distinctly different categories with regard to their political behavior. This entails a new analytical framework that may be used to analyze an empirical phenomenon that has received surprisingly little attention in the literature on political participation and civic engagement.

How do protest & its causes change after the democratic transformation of communist regimes? It is argued that certain features of the transformation process have an impact on the conditions that directly influence individual protest participation. These conditions are political discontent, perceived personal political influence, perceived obligation to participate, & integration in protest-promoting networks. Drawing on the case of East Germany, propositions are suggested about how these four conditions change as a result of the transformation process, & about their differential impact on protest over time. The propositions are tested with a four-wave panel survey of 226 respondents from Leipzig (East Germany) who were interviewed in 1990 (referring to the situation under communist rule), 1993, 1996, & 1998. It was found, among other things, that protest decreased continuously between 1989 & 1998; & that each of the four factors' contribution to protest differed over time. 6 Tables, 4 Figures, 52 References. Adapted from the source document.

WhatsApp is one of the most used messaging platforms across the globe and is particularly prominent in the Global South. Despite being a private messaging app, WhatsApp is becoming an important platform for political information and political talk, which raises concerns about the spread of misinformation on the platform. This paper presents comprehensive descriptive results of a national survey of internet users in Brazil, focusing on political information on social media. Our data shows that Brazilians are very active social media users, particularly on Facebook and WhatsApp, and consider these platforms very important to fulfill a myriad of political and informational aims. However, they also demonstrate great concern about the quality and accuracy of information circulating online. Despite finding significant differences in how these two platforms are used, the data suggests that WhatsApp is becoming central to how Brazilians have access to and engage with politics.

The primary aim of this article is to represent the current state of knowledge about the nature and extent of immigrant and minority political incorporation in Canada at the national level. It pays particular attention to activities associated with mass-level political participation, although some consideration is given to office seeking and office holding as indicators of involvement in elite-level politics. The most general conclusion available from the literature is that newcomers and minorities are significantly engaged in Canadian politics. Also identified in the literature are various independent variables that contribute to explaining why some individuals and groups, including different origin categories, are more politically engaged than others. Some of these variables have relevance in the context of a secondary goal pursued here, namely, reflecting on and illustrating how dedicated comparative research of the Canadian and American cases can enhance understanding of political incorporation in one or both countries. The discussion leads to the conclusion that there is enormous potential for many fruitful lines of inquiry.

Economic development and the social changes it brings are changing people's world views among the East Asia Confucian societies. Most notable is a change from stressing hard work and achievement toward stressing enjoyment, self expression, and a fulfilling lifestyle. With this people also have become more pro-equality and tolerant toward different ideas and styles. These newly emerged views of modernized societies can be called 'postmodern' values. People with stronger postmodern values are more active politically, more assertive in demanding individual and political rights, and more emphatic in their preference for democratic government. The implication is that people in East Asia will demand more democracy as economic development proceeds and as they acquire these postmodern values.