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Throughout the nineteenth century, political parties attempted to mediate local, state, and national conflicts to forge a winning electoral coalition. The question here is whether party leaders felt that success depended on offering clear divergent positions to their voters. In other words, to what extent did the parties present alternative programs to the electorate—at any specific time or over time? This study examines the growth of the two-party system in nineteenth-century America by focusing on the interaction of the elites of the Democrats and Whig/Republicans in forging their electoral message. The methodology includes a content analysis of national and state party platforms during presidential election years 1840 through 1896 to show when and where parties emphasized certain issue proposals. Ultimately, this is a story of interparty polarization—over time, the two major parties tended to emphasize the same issues and offer divergent positions in their platforms.

The literature of political parties has traditionally given more attention to party image, party identification, and the impact of the party's ideology on voter choice, rather than the effect of the leadership on party positions. This research fills that gap in the literature by showing the intra-party impact of party leaders, and by exploring the direct association between leaders' traits and party issue positions. In addition, most research was conducted using an At-a-distance Leadership Trait Analysis, and most studies investigate how the leader's personality impacts foreign policy, and the international domain. There is a lack of research on domestic politics, and more precisely on sub-state level politics within political party organizations. This study investigates the association between party leadership traits and party positions on issues. The research posits three questions: Is there any association between a party leader's personality traits and party positions on issues? If so, what is the strength and direction of this association? In addition, do some traits specifically correlate with specific positions? The study uses Leadership Traits Analysis to measure leadership style, and MARPOR (Manifesto Research on Political Representation) datasets of Manifesto Analysis to measure party issue positions. The research tests these associations in the case of Turkey post-2002 era. It focuses on four political parties which were represented in the Turkish parliament from 2002 to 2015. In this period, Turkey underwent five parliamentary elections, and the parties under investigation here had six leaders. The study illustrates a strong association between leadership traits and party positions on issues. ; ACCEPTANCE AND APPROVAL v DECLARATION vi YAYIMLAMA VE FİKRİ MÜLKİYET HAKLARI BEYANI vii ETİK BEYAN viii AKNOWLEDGEMENT iii ÖZET iv ABSTRACT v TABLE OF CONTENTS vi ABBREVIATIONS ix TABLES LIST x FIGURES LIST xi CHAPTER 1 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 PARTY LEADERSHIP 1 1.1.1 Why Study Party Leadership? 1 1.1.2 Approaches to Analyzing Political Leadership 6 1.1.2.1 Institutional Analysis 6 1.1.2.2 Contextual Analysis 7 1.1.2.3 Decision-Making Analysis 7 1.1.2.4 At-a-Distance Analysis 8 1.1.2.5 Political Personality Profiling 9 1.1.2.6 Social Constructionist Approach 10 1.1.3 Leadership Traits Analysis Literature 11 1.1.4 Leadership Trait Analysis (LTA) 15 1.1.4.1 Which materials are content analyzed by LTA? 17 1.1.4.2 How content analysis is done in LTA? 18 1.2 PARTY POSITIONS ON ISSUES 22 1.2.1 Measuring Party Position and Party Position Change 25 1.2.2 Why Manifesto Analysis? 26 1.2.3 Manifesto Research on Political Representation (MARPOR) 31 1.3 HYPOTHESES 33 CHAPTER 2 35 2.1 DATA AND METHODS 35 2.1.1 Leadership Traits Analysis Data 36 2.1.1.1 Data Description 36 2.1.1.2 Keywords and Search Methods 36 2.1.1.3 Data Aggregation 38 2.1.1.4 "Profiler Plus" Automated Coding Program 39 2.1.2 Party Positions Data 40 2.1.2.1 Data Description 40 2.1.2.2 Data Description and Preparation 40 2.1.3 Integrating Traits' Results with Party Position Data 41 CHAPTER 3 47 3.1 LEADERS' TRAITS IN COMPARISON 47 3.1.1 Turkish Leaders and World Average 48 3.1.2 Turkish Leaders and MENA Region Average 49 3.1.3 Turkish Leaders and Western European Average 51 3.2 LEADERS PERSONALITY ASSESSMENT ACCORDING TO TRAITS SCORES 52 3.2.1 Constraints 52 3.2.2 Incoming Information 58 3.2.3 Motives 60 3.2.3.1 Seeking the Position "Task Focus" 61 3.2.3.2 Toward the World "Distrust of Others and In-Group Bias" 62 3.2.4 Categorizing Leaders' Personality 63 CHAPTER 4 65 4.1 POLITICAL PARTIES AND PARTY SYSTEM IN TURKEY 65 4.2 TURKISH POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR PARTY POSITIONS BASED ON MARPOR 66 4.3 LEADERS' TRAITS AND PARTY POSITIONS 67 4.3.1 Recep Tayyip Erdogan 67 4.3.2 Ahmet Davutoglu 69 4.3.3 Deniz Baykal 71 4.3.4 Kemal Kilicdaroglu 73 4.3.5 Devlet Bahceli 75 4.3.6 Selahattin Demirtas 76 4.3.7 All Leaders over Time 78 4.4 HYPOTHESES TESTS AND THE RESULTS 84 CONCLUSION 91 BIBLIOGRAPHY 94 APPENDIX 1 103 APPENDIX 2 104 APPENDIX 3 115 APPENDIX 4 116 ; Siyasi partiler literatürü, geleneksel olarak liderliğin parti pozisyonu üzerine tesirinden daha çok parti imajı, parti kimliği ve parti ideolojisinin seçmen tercihlerine etkisi konularına ilgi göstermiştir. Bu çalışma, parti liderlerinin parti içindeki etkisini gösterme ve liderin özellikleriyle konu bağlamlı parti pozisyonları arasındaki doğrudan ilişkiyi araştırmak suretiyle literatürdeki bu boşluğu doldurmaktadır. Buna ek olarak, araştırmaların çoğu uzak mesafe liderlik özellikleri analizi kullanılarak gerçekleştirilmiştir ve çoğu çalışma liderin kişiliğinin dış politikaya ve uluslararası alana nasıl etki ettiğini incelemektedir. Genel olarak iç politika üzerine, özellikle siyasi parti organizasyonları çerçevesinde devlet altı siyaset düzeyinde araştırma eksikliği mevcuttur. Bu araştırma parti lideri kişilik özellikleri ile konu bağlamlı parti pozisyonları arasındaki ilişkiyi sorgulamaktadır. Araştırma şu üç soruyu ileri sürer: parti liderinin kişilik özellikleri ile konu bağlamlı parti pozisyonu arasında bir ilişki var mıdır? Eğer varsa bu ilişkinin gücü ve istikameti yönü ne şekildedir? Buna ilaveten bazı kişilik özellikleri özel olarak belirli durumlarla ilişkili midir? Bu çalışmada liderlik tarzını ölçmek için liderlik özellikleri analizi, konu bağlamlı parti pozisyonunu ölçmek için MARPOR (Manifesto Research on Political Representation) Manifesto Analizi Veri Seti kullanılmaktadır. Bu araştırmada söz konusu ilişkiler 2002 sonrası dönem Türkiye örneğinde test edilmektedir. Çalışma 2002'den 2015'e kadar Türkiye parlamentosunda temsil edilen dört siyasi partiye odaklanır. Bu dönemde Türkiye'de beş parlamento seçimi gerçekleşmiş ve araştırma konusu partileri altı farklı lider yönetmiştir. Araştırma, liderlik karakter özellikleri ile konu bağlamlı parti pozisyonları arasında güçlü bir ilişki kurmaktadır.

This article analyses distinctive features and contextual causes of the resignation en masse of Chinese government officials in the wake of the 18th Party Congress. Typically, officials who resigned were neither being "ceilinged" nor considered laggards. Instead, they were front runners with proven records, and had stronger achievement orientations and risk-taking personalities. However, three contextual changes triggered the exodus—the heightened risk of pursuing a political career attributed to the unexpectedly relentless momentum of the anti-corruption campaign; intensified work stress due to the reimposed orthodox ideological straightjacket and reinstated Maoist morals; and demoralisation and disillusionment as a result of aggravated nepotism and the condoned practice of anonymous informing. (China/GIGA)

Copyright industries represent an important part of the developed economies. The effective protection of copyright fulfills an important role in the advancement of innovation and economic development. However, in the digital economy, the protection of copyrighted works poses numerous and very difficult challenges. The protected works usually targeted by criminals are computer programs, motion pictures, video games, and musical compositions. The estimated or actual harm to copyright owners can amount to billions of dollars. Moreover, these offenses are sometimes perpetrated in connection with other crimes, such as conspiracy to commit racketeering or money laundering. This paper argues that criminal enforcement of copyright can be an important safeguard of economic and information security interests. The paper discusses essential aspects regarding the criminal protection of copyright in the United States. Based on a theoretically-informed, yet empirically-driven approach, which takes into account a large corpus of data, consisting mostly of cases brought to courts of law, the paper discusses the main aspects of the phenomenon. Finally, the paper proposes a number of measures that would improve the protection copyrighted works. Keywords: Copyright, Economic Development, Cybercrime, Infringement, Security, Loss

This article draws attention to the competitive & changing nature of the discursive field of Russian geopolitics. In particular, the article focuses on the geopolitical discourses of the Yabloko Assoc (from 2001, the Democratic Party of Russia, Yabloko). In the discursive study of geopolitics, which is well developed in the critical geopolitics literature, the study of the geopolitical discourses of political parties has so far been neglected. Five major discourses by Yabloko are identified (1993-2001), with their significance & prominence varying according to changes in the broader geopolitical context. Yabloko's position is located in the general constellation defined by the extreme poles of Westernism (Atlanticism) & Eurasianism. Yabloko represents a third way between these extreme poles & can be situated within the new category of 'pragmatic Russian geopolitics'. Yabloko presents an interesting example of a Russian opposition party whose foreign policy thinking seems capable of both changing with the broader geopolitical context & contributing to the official Russian policy. 1 Figure. Adapted from the source document.

Аналізуються посттоталітарні демократичні перетворення у Чехословаччині на початку 90-х років ХХ ст. та розкривається роль Вацлава Гавела у процесі трансформації суспільно-політичної сфери країни. Ключові слова: Чехословаччина, організоване суспільство, демократичне суспільство, Вацлав Гавел, трансформація. Анализируются посттоталитарные демократические изменения в Чехословакии в начале 90-х годов ХХ века и раскрывается роль политического лидера – Вацлава Гавела в процессе общественно-политической сферы страны.Ключевые слова: Чехословакия, организованное общество, демократическое общество, Вацлав Гавел, трансформация. Analyzed post-totalitarian democratic changes in Czechoslovakia in the beginning of 90s of XX century, and explores the role of political leader – Vaclav Havel in the socio-political sphere of the country. Conclusions are made that the president Václav Havel caused discontent of party politicians with the views about necessity of moral policy establishment. He often spoke about necessity of civil society creation in which the moral of political parties would be controlled by influence from people and they wouldn't turn into the closed omnipotent sects. Grace to activity of the president Havel Czechoslovakia turned into the democratic country which destiny didn't depend on one politician. Havel was convinced that the policy is art of impassibleness. Occupying the post of the president of the Czechoslovakia Federal Republic, Václav Havel promoted effective course of transformational processes in the state. In particular, by transition from totalitarianism to democracy, it chose creation of organized society as environment which promotes effective state functioning. Change of ideology and public outlook became result of formation of such society. In the country laws set in and the rule of law was established, it continued to develop in the democratic way.Key words: Czechoslovakia, organized society, democratic society, Vaclav Havel, transformation.

Despite the dramatic shift away from the Democratic (Dem) Party by large segments of the Ur Wc in the presidential election of 1952, a study of election behavior in Philadelphia yields substantial evidence to indicate that the interest group basis of pol'al behavior was not destroyed. A comparison of motivation within a group of Republican (Rep) voters disclosed 6 decisive factors, the influence of which was differently related to occup'al strata. Pro-party factors were cited frequently by voters in the big business stratum, less frequently in the middle (professional, small business & white-collar) stratum, & infrequently in the labor stratum. Non-party factors, such as the qualities of Mr. Eisenhower & aissatisfaction with the Korean War, were repeatedly mentioned by semi-skilled & skilled workers, less often by middle occup'al people, & only seldom by big-business men. Moreover, the `defectors' in the lower & middle occup'al groups (those who voted Dem in 1948) as compared with the 'regular' Rep voters laid even more stress on the non-party factors influencing their voting behavior, claimed less allegiance to business in answering a direct question on the subject, & were less business-oriented in replying to 6 partisan statements on domestic politico-econ issues. These facts suggest that the interest group basis of pol'al behavior was not destroyed by the defections to the Rep's, & that in deciding how to vote in national elections, business-labor loyalties congruent with one's objective occup are suppressed when the stimulus of any non-party, non-econ factor is high. IPSA.

Contract parties have agreed the time of goods delivery based on the agreement that was reached between them.According to the legislation the time of goods delivery is determined in two ways: determination of the day (time), determination of date when the obligation is fullfiled. According to the first the day is determined by the agreemend of the parties and this day is connected to a determined day or to a determined event. Goods delivery is also done based on a precisely determined term based on the contract agreement and it has to be strict and respected by both parties. Apart to this, there are cases when contract parties do not determine the time for goods delivery, and they determine the time after the contract was signed and regarding this there are three ways of delivery.Delivery is done 8 days after the contract is signed, but the Law on Obligations and other legislations detrmine an addititional agreement to be signed between partis after the contract was signed.Delivery of goods on the determined day and time, means also the fulfilment of the contract therefore the fulfilment brings to a better development of trade and it does't created delays from both parties. When there are no delays on goods delivery on the determined time then there are also no casualties.All this has an impact on improving the circulation of goods and in way perfection by which it is contributed to the business perspectives and to the circulation of goods.

The United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) has established the internationalrestitution of corruption-related assets as a fundamental principle. Although France is a State Party ofthe UNCAC, it has never returned any funds in the context of this convention unlike other Statessuch as Switzerland. However, French Law has been substantially strengthened in the areas of assetrecovery and the fight against international corruption over the last few decades. It is even largelycompliant with the UNCAC. Furthermore, France has always been attractive for wealthy foreignpublic officials whose fortune is sometimes questioned. It remains also a major economic player onthe international scale. In this context, the question arises as to why France has not so far returnedany corruption-related assets. This work presents the numerous legislative, judicial or institutionaldevelopments that have recently enhanced the French asset recovery and anti-corruption legalframework. When necessary, it suggests certain improvements. But it also proposes major reforms tomake asset recovery effective in France as well as the return of confiscated funds to the Statesvictims of corruption ; La Convention des Nations Unies contre la corruption (CNUCC) a érigé en principe fondamental larestitution internationale des avoirs de la corruption. Bien que partie à la CNUCC, la France n'ajamais restitué de fonds dans le cadre de cette convention contrairement à d'autres États tels que laSuisse. Pourtant, le droit français a été considérablement renforcé au cours des dernières décenniesdans les domaines du recouvrement des avoirs criminels et de la lutte contre la corruptioninternationale. Il est même, en grande partie, conforme à la CNUCC. En outre, la France a toujoursété un État prisé par de nombreux agents publics étrangers dont l'origine licite de la fortune estparfois mise en doute. Le pays demeure également un acteur économique majeur de la scèneinternationale. Dès lors, la question de l'absence de restitution internationale par la ...

The United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) has established the internationalrestitution of corruption-related assets as a fundamental principle. Although France is a State Party ofthe UNCAC, it has never returned any funds in the context of this convention unlike other Statessuch as Switzerland. However, French Law has been substantially strengthened in the areas of assetrecovery and the fight against international corruption over the last few decades. It is even largelycompliant with the UNCAC. Furthermore, France has always been attractive for wealthy foreignpublic officials whose fortune is sometimes questioned. It remains also a major economic player onthe international scale. In this context, the question arises as to why France has not so far returnedany corruption-related assets. This work presents the numerous legislative, judicial or institutionaldevelopments that have recently enhanced the French asset recovery and anti-corruption legalframework. When necessary, it suggests certain improvements. But it also proposes major reforms tomake asset recovery effective in France as well as the return of confiscated funds to the Statesvictims of corruption ; La Convention des Nations Unies contre la corruption (CNUCC) a érigé en principe fondamental larestitution internationale des avoirs de la corruption. Bien que partie à la CNUCC, la France n'ajamais restitué de fonds dans le cadre de cette convention contrairement à d'autres États tels que laSuisse. Pourtant, le droit français a été considérablement renforcé au cours des dernières décenniesdans les domaines du recouvrement des avoirs criminels et de la lutte contre la corruptioninternationale. Il est même, en grande partie, conforme à la CNUCC. En outre, la France a toujoursété un État prisé par de nombreux agents publics étrangers dont l'origine licite de la fortune estparfois mise en doute. Le pays demeure également un acteur économique majeur de la scèneinternationale. Dès lors, la question de l'absence de restitution internationale par la ...

Political parties in much of sub-Saharan Africa are often state-wide, but the societies are characterized by salient ethno-regional cleavages. State-wide parties, therefore, frequently encounter strategic challenges around ethno-regional mobilization and demands for special rights or self-rule. What shapes these parties' strategic choices? We analyze whether party strategies are characterized by accommodation, opposition, or dismissal, and argue that their strategies are shaped by the degree to which contestation around territorial politics are centralized. We examine this argument by comparing how regionally dominant state-wide parties have responded to ethno-regional mobilization in the Niger Delta in federal Nigeria and the Coast region in more centralized Kenya over the last decade, and find that centralized contestation over ethno-regional issues forces parties to engage with ethno-regional demands while decentralized contestation allows parties to dismiss them.