AbstractCitizens participating in cumulative voting elections generally agree the system is fair, permitting all groups an opportunity to elect representatives of their choice. No electoral reform, however, can take the place of effective voter education and mobilization.
Community empowerment is defined as an effective process to change the community, especially in slum settlements so that they can have betterliving conditions. The purpose of this study is to find out about community empowerment in improving the quality of slum settlements in various regions. This research is conducted using the literature review method carried out by rereading and reviewing the main ideas on the same topic. The focus of this research is literature studies that have the same theme. The data source used is a document from the Scopus database and others which is then processed by using the VOSViewer application. Data analysis techniques used are data collection, data condensation, data presentation, and concluding. The results of the study show that the implementation of community empowerment, especially in improving the quality of slum settlements, has obstacles such as the lack of public awareness in participating in the program and developing themselves and changing their lifestyle that has become a habit, which is inherent and difficult to change instantly. Thus, the implementation of community empowerment will not run well if there is no harmonious collaboration between the central and local governments, as well as private parties and especially the community.
Based on data from the second wave of the Citizen Political Ambition Panel Study our national survey of more than 2,000 'potential candidates' in 2008 we provide the first thorough analysis of the manner in which gender interacts with political recruitment in the candidate eligibility pool. Our findings are striking. Highly qualified and politically well-connected women from both major political parties are less likely than similarly situated men to be recruited to run for public office by all types of political actors. They are less likely than men to be recruited intensely. And they are less likely than men to be recruited by multiple sources. Although we paint a picture of a political recruitment process that seems to suppress women's inclusion, we also offer the first evidence of the significant headway women's organizations are making in their efforts to mitigate the recruitment gap, especially among Democrats. These findings are critically important because women's recruitment disadvantage depresses their political ambition and ultimately hinders their emergence as candidates. Adapted from the source document.
The main area of sustained populist growth in recent decades has been Western Europe, where populist parties have not only endured longer than expected, but have increasingly begun to enter government. Focusing on three high-profile cases in Italy and Switzerland - the Popolo della Libertà (PDL), Lega Nord (LN) and Schweizerische Volkspartei (SVP) - Populists in Power is the first in-depth comparative study to examine whether these parties are indeed doomed to failure in office as many commentators have claimed. Albertazzi and McDonnell's findings run contrary to much of the received wisdom. Based on extensive original research and fieldwork, they show that populist parties can be built to last, can achieve key policy victories and can survive the experience of government, without losing the support of either the voters or those within their parties. Contributing a new perspective to studies in populist politics, Populists in Power is essential reading for undergraduate and postgraduate students, as well as scholars interested in modern government, parties and politics.
According to Islamic law which is the basis of the Ottoman law of domestic relations, the right to get divorced, in principle, belonged to the man. It was sufficient for the man to verbally announce that he was divorcing his wife by his own declaration of intention. It was not necessary to have the court record the situation. However, the number of divorce documents that we encountered in court records shows that the divorce cases in the Ottoman society were recorded. This situation was crucial to protect the rights of the two parties after divorce. The termination of a marriage, which was recorded in the religious records by the kadi (Muslim judge) in the Ottoman courts, was possible in three different ways: talâk, a man's unilateral declaration of will (bâin or ric'î); muhâlaa, generally realized by the woman renouncing her rights such as mehir (bridewealth) and iddet nafakası (the alimony given to women in the waiting period to remarry after divorce); and tefrik, which was realized through the verdict of the judge. Talâk was completely the man's decision, whereas the woman's request could be considered in muhâlaa and tefrik. This study examines all of the divorce documents from 1670 to 1698 in the Bursa Shari'a Court Records.
This study will look at the government's policy of handling Covid-19 from a prophetic legal point of view based on three main pillars, namely humanization, liberation and transcendence. In this study, the authors use normative research by using the approach to legislation, the prophetic legal concept approach and the case approach. The results of the study show that the Covid-19 handling policy carried out by the government still contains inaccurate recipient data, the distribution of basic needs assistance is not carried out in stages from the Central Government to the Regional Government but is carried out simultaneously, there is a legal basis that opens space abuse of authority due to legal immunity for officials. Keywords: Policies, handling of covid-19, prophetic lawThe government has issued several legal products such as Government Regulation in Lieu of Law Number 1 of 2020 concerning State Financial Policy and Financial System Stability for Handling the Corona Virus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) Pandemic and/ Or in the context of Facing Threats That Endanger the National Economy and/or Financial System Stability and Government Regulation Number 21 of 2020 concerning Large-Scale Social Restrictions (PSBB) in the Context of Accelerating Handling of Corona Virus Disease 2019 (COVID-19). The government has also implemented PSBB and Physical Distancing policies, but these policies are not effective in breaking the chain of spread of COVID-19, it can be seen that the number of COVID-19 cases in Indonesia on January 28, 2021 has reached 1 million cases, the highest in Southeast Asia.
Networks of international nongovernmental organizations with missions concerning conflict resolution (CROs) conduct a number of innovative international programs designed to promote peace. Is this network of CROs effective? In this article, we argue that the CRO network can transmit information and promote norms of peace that help in reducing international conflict. Our theoretical argument builds on earlier work concerning international governmental organizations (IGOs) and peace and we examine whether and how the connections among states through CRO ties can lead to reductions in international conflict. We test the key empirical implication of our argument – concerning how the CRO network can foster peace – using new social network measures that focus on the actual network of citizens and elites connected internationally by CROs, rather than focusing on the size or presence of civil society within a state. We find considerable support for our central hypothesis that the network of international CROs is associated with peace. When a state is more embedded within the CRO network, international bellicosity from that state is diminished. This result holds at both the monadic and dyadic (non-directed and directed) levels of analysis. At the dyadic level, the CRO network works even when we account for the IGO network with a similar conflict resolution focus. At the dyadic level, we find that the greater the number of possible CRO informational channels between the states in the dyad, the less bellicosity within the dyad.
Abstract : After the leadership of Pangeran Rasmi (Panembahan Ratu II), Cirebon was led by Ratu Katiga Sanak (Three Kings of Brothers). Even though they were counted as relatives, the three of them often got involved in conflicts that left Cirebon on the verge of collapse. One of the parties that helped cool the conflict and were able to reconcile the three Cirebon princes was the VOC Supreme Government through its authorized officials. However, the role of the Company was not discussed much in Cirebon's history because they were regarded as foreign parties who were suspected of being the party that had indeed driven the conflict between the Three Kings of Cirebon. This study aims to describe the Agreement of 4 December 1685 and reveal the role of the VOC in maintaining relations between the three princes who were the rulers of Cirebon. The method used in this study is the historical method, which is a series of study stages starting with the heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography stages. Through this study, it can be concluded that the Agreement on 4 December 1685 was an agreement between the Cirebon Sultanate and the VOC which consisted of 13 agreement articles. In addition, this study also reveals that this agreement helped maintain peace and relations between the Cirebon princes because a number of articles demanded the unity of the princes for the peace of society and the sultanate.Keywords: agreement, prince, Cirebon, VOC, family conflict, peace
Contract marriages are one of the 3 types of marriages known in Indonesia. As it is known that contract marriages are marriages made by certain parties with specific aims and objectives and within a certain period of time. So the marriage is actually a marriage that is not appropriate and deviates from the noble purpose of the actual marriage, which is to form an eternal household and only seek the pleasure of God, in accordance with the provisions as regulated in applicable laws in Indonesia.Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to find out the actual arrangements related to the practice of contract marriages which are still widely practiced in Indonesia.This type of research used in this study is normative juridical type of research, namely research conducted based on the legal scientific character of the normative side.The results of the study showed that the practice of contract marriages that were carried out was not appropriate and violated the provisions of the legislation that acted as positive law in Indonesia. This is due to the contract marriage there are several things that were promised such as, a number of assets that must be issued and the deadline for the end of the marriage has been determined, then obviously such a marriage is a marriage arranged by the parties themselves and ignores the provisions of the applicable laws and regulations. While the regulations that specifically regulate contract marriages have not yet existed in Indonesia.
Prisciliano Hernández, Vice-president of the Independent Labor Clubs expresses to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles his support for his candidacy for president. / Prisciliano Hernández, Vicepresidente del Club de Laboristas Independientes, reitera al Gral. PEC su apoyo y adhesión para la candidatura a la Presidencia de la República.
Telegram from Mr. Marcelino Pavón G. to Gen. Alvaro Obregón, inviting him to visit the Constitutionalist Liberal Party Center in the state of Campeche. / Telegrama del Sr. Marcelino Pavón G. al Gral. Alvaro Obregón, invitándolo para que visite el Centro del Partido Liberal Constitucionalista del estado de Campeche.
The Party-based Euroscepticism: The Influence of the European Refugee Crisis and Brexit in Denmark SUMMARY Over the past ten years, the European Union (EU) has endured a series of crises with 2015 Europe's refugee crisis and ongoing Brexit being the most prominent ones. In addition to the EU's crises, the EU has faced the rise of Euroscepticism. Scientists overwhelmingly agree that Euroscepticism and EU's crises are related, however, the relation between them are analyzed rarely and insufficiently. Taking this into account, this master thesis examines the link between recent EU's crises and party-based Euroscepticism in Denmark. The case of Denmark is extraordinary because of its rich history in case of Euroscepticism. Denmark is well known for its numerous referendums on EU integration, an exclusive right to opt-outs within EU's policy and the rise of Eurosceptic parties, which currently have more than one third seats of the Danish Parliament. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the Danish parties' electoral and other documents and ascertain the alterations in parties' positions towards EU and their Euroscepticism during the EU's crises. The tasks of thesis are: 1) to overview the studies of Euroscepticism and its shifts during the crises as well as to define hard and soft Euroscpeticism; 2) to propose the research design which woulde proper to analyze development of stances on EU and Euroscepticism during the crises; 3) to identify political parties positions on EU and its changes during the years 2011-2019; 4) trace the link between the recent crises and the development of party-based Euroscepticism and its content. The analysis showed that Refugee's crisis and Brexit have an visble yet different impact on parties' stances and Euroscepticism. During the Refugee's crisis parties did not change their stances, however, their stances' argumentation changed with respect to the crisis's themes and its impact is still visible. Meanwhile, Brexit had a strong impact on parties' stances right after the referendum as Eurosceptic parties tightened their stances radically. However, Brexit became a prolonged process and its impact on Euroscepticism decreased noticeably. During the analysis it turned out that the Eurosceptic parties are the only parties which are prone to change their stances, because all pro- European parties kept their pro-European stances during both crises. This could be explained by party's strategical position, because opposition parties are prone to be more Eurosceptic unless they have coalition potential, which could result in becoming pro-European party.
The Party-based Euroscepticism: The Influence of the European Refugee Crisis and Brexit in Denmark SUMMARY Over the past ten years, the European Union (EU) has endured a series of crises with 2015 Europe's refugee crisis and ongoing Brexit being the most prominent ones. In addition to the EU's crises, the EU has faced the rise of Euroscepticism. Scientists overwhelmingly agree that Euroscepticism and EU's crises are related, however, the relation between them are analyzed rarely and insufficiently. Taking this into account, this master thesis examines the link between recent EU's crises and party-based Euroscepticism in Denmark. The case of Denmark is extraordinary because of its rich history in case of Euroscepticism. Denmark is well known for its numerous referendums on EU integration, an exclusive right to opt-outs within EU's policy and the rise of Eurosceptic parties, which currently have more than one third seats of the Danish Parliament. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the Danish parties' electoral and other documents and ascertain the alterations in parties' positions towards EU and their Euroscepticism during the EU's crises. The tasks of thesis are: 1) to overview the studies of Euroscepticism and its shifts during the crises as well as to define hard and soft Euroscpeticism; 2) to propose the research design which woulde proper to analyze development of stances on EU and Euroscepticism during the crises; 3) to identify political parties positions on EU and its changes during the years 2011-2019; 4) trace the link between the recent crises and the development of party-based Euroscepticism and its content. The analysis showed that Refugee's crisis and Brexit have an visble yet different impact on parties' stances and Euroscepticism. During the Refugee's crisis parties did not change their stances, however, their stances' argumentation changed with respect to the crisis's themes and its impact is still visible. Meanwhile, Brexit had a strong impact on parties' stances right after the referendum as Eurosceptic parties tightened their stances radically. However, Brexit became a prolonged process and its impact on Euroscepticism decreased noticeably. During the analysis it turned out that the Eurosceptic parties are the only parties which are prone to change their stances, because all pro- European parties kept their pro-European stances during both crises. This could be explained by party's strategical position, because opposition parties are prone to be more Eurosceptic unless they have coalition potential, which could result in becoming pro-European party.
The Party-based Euroscepticism: The Influence of the European Refugee Crisis and Brexit in Denmark SUMMARY Over the past ten years, the European Union (EU) has endured a series of crises with 2015 Europe's refugee crisis and ongoing Brexit being the most prominent ones. In addition to the EU's crises, the EU has faced the rise of Euroscepticism. Scientists overwhelmingly agree that Euroscepticism and EU's crises are related, however, the relation between them are analyzed rarely and insufficiently. Taking this into account, this master thesis examines the link between recent EU's crises and party-based Euroscepticism in Denmark. The case of Denmark is extraordinary because of its rich history in case of Euroscepticism. Denmark is well known for its numerous referendums on EU integration, an exclusive right to opt-outs within EU's policy and the rise of Eurosceptic parties, which currently have more than one third seats of the Danish Parliament. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the Danish parties' electoral and other documents and ascertain the alterations in parties' positions towards EU and their Euroscepticism during the EU's crises. The tasks of thesis are: 1) to overview the studies of Euroscepticism and its shifts during the crises as well as to define hard and soft Euroscpeticism; 2) to propose the research design which woulde proper to analyze development of stances on EU and Euroscepticism during the crises; 3) to identify political parties positions on EU and its changes during the years 2011-2019; 4) trace the link between the recent crises and the development of party-based Euroscepticism and its content. The analysis showed that Refugee's crisis and Brexit have an visble yet different impact on parties' stances and Euroscepticism. During the Refugee's crisis parties did not change their stances, however, their stances' argumentation changed with respect to the crisis's themes and its impact is still visible. Meanwhile, Brexit had a strong impact on parties' stances right after the referendum as Eurosceptic parties tightened their stances radically. However, Brexit became a prolonged process and its impact on Euroscepticism decreased noticeably. During the analysis it turned out that the Eurosceptic parties are the only parties which are prone to change their stances, because all pro- European parties kept their pro-European stances during both crises. This could be explained by party's strategical position, because opposition parties are prone to be more Eurosceptic unless they have coalition potential, which could result in becoming pro-European party.
The Party-based Euroscepticism: The Influence of the European Refugee Crisis and Brexit in Denmark SUMMARY Over the past ten years, the European Union (EU) has endured a series of crises with 2015 Europe's refugee crisis and ongoing Brexit being the most prominent ones. In addition to the EU's crises, the EU has faced the rise of Euroscepticism. Scientists overwhelmingly agree that Euroscepticism and EU's crises are related, however, the relation between them are analyzed rarely and insufficiently. Taking this into account, this master thesis examines the link between recent EU's crises and party-based Euroscepticism in Denmark. The case of Denmark is extraordinary because of its rich history in case of Euroscepticism. Denmark is well known for its numerous referendums on EU integration, an exclusive right to opt-outs within EU's policy and the rise of Eurosceptic parties, which currently have more than one third seats of the Danish Parliament. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the Danish parties' electoral and other documents and ascertain the alterations in parties' positions towards EU and their Euroscepticism during the EU's crises. The tasks of thesis are: 1) to overview the studies of Euroscepticism and its shifts during the crises as well as to define hard and soft Euroscpeticism; 2) to propose the research design which woulde proper to analyze development of stances on EU and Euroscepticism during the crises; 3) to identify political parties positions on EU and its changes during the years 2011-2019; 4) trace the link between the recent crises and the development of party-based Euroscepticism and its content. The analysis showed that Refugee's crisis and Brexit have an visble yet different impact on parties' stances and Euroscepticism. During the Refugee's crisis parties did not change their stances, however, their stances' argumentation changed with respect to the crisis's themes and its impact is still visible. Meanwhile, Brexit had a strong impact on parties' stances right after the referendum as Eurosceptic parties tightened their stances radically. However, Brexit became a prolonged process and its impact on Euroscepticism decreased noticeably. During the analysis it turned out that the Eurosceptic parties are the only parties which are prone to change their stances, because all pro- European parties kept their pro-European stances during both crises. This could be explained by party's strategical position, because opposition parties are prone to be more Eurosceptic unless they have coalition potential, which could result in becoming pro-European party.
