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AbstractAt the height of the influence of the secularisation thesis religion was understood to be absent from affairs of state and the law, including international politics and international law. As the critique of secularisation gained momentum this master narrative fell apart, and a new consensus began to take shape. The notion that religion had been ignored and should be 'brought back in' to International Relations took centre stage among many academics and practitioners. The assumption is that restoring religion in the right way will help address the problems associated with having ignored religion in IR, paving the way for the marginalisation of violent religion and globalisation of religious freedom. This article undertakes a critical analysis of this restorative narrative and the religious and political world it is creating. It then proposes a different approach to the intersection of religion and world politics after secularism. This approach draws attention to the authority of transnational actors such as the United States, United Nations, and European Union to shape the public administration of religious affairs globally. Channels through which this is accomplished include the promotion of religious freedom, humanitarian intervention, foreign aid, nation building and democratisation, counterterrorism and peace-building efforts, and the pronouncements of supra-national courts.

This article focuses on the adaptation of the Red Classics - a collection of literary and cinematic works depicting the Communist armed struggle produced in the PRC between 1949 and 1966 - for contemporary Chinese television. Using the controversy over the remake of Tracks in the Snowy Forest (Linhai xueyuan 林海雪原) as a case study, it explores the complexity of restaging the Communist revolution in the post-Mao reform era. Competition in the media industry compels TV producers to re-package Communist history for fragmented contemporary audiences - those who are familiar with the original Red Classics as well as those who grew up in the reform era and who are far removed from the revolutionary legacy. Adaptation of the Red Classics is a sensitive issue. By focusing on the sexual desires and individual interests muted in the original Red Classics in order to cater for the tastes of younger viewers, the remakes offer alternative readings of history and have incurred government censorship. Opposition to the adaptations has also come from a distinct mnemonic community, the Red memory group, whose members came of age in either the 1960s or during the Cultural Revolution and who absorbed the Red Classics in their formative years. The interplay of state politics, collective memory and commercial imperatives ultimately makes the repackaging of the revolution for contemporary mass entertainment a multifaceted and highly contentious issue. (China Q/GIGA)

Senatus populusque romanus: institutions and practices -- Leaders and masses in the Roman republic -- Consensus and competition

This book examines the emergence of gender consciousness among women as a significant force in American politics. The author bases her argument on an in-depth empirical analysis of data derived from the U.S. biennial National Election studies of 1974 to 1984, the year of the emergence of the so-called gender gap. The author discusses the fact that while feminism is central to womens' political orientation, the simple awareness of gender differences and group consciousness is a powerful force of change

Most pre-crisis explanations of the various corporate governance systems have considered the separation between ownership and control to be an advantage of the Anglo-American economies. They have also attributed the failure of other countries to achieve these efficient arrangements to their different legal and/or electoral systems. In this paper we compare this view with the co-evolution approach based on the hypothesis that politics and corporate governance influence each other, generating complex interactions of financial and labour market institutions. Countries cluster along different complementary politics-business interaction paths and there is no reason to expect, or to device policies for, their convergence to a single model of corporate governance. We argue that this hypothesis provides a more convincing explanation of the past histories of major capitalist economies and can suggest some useful possible scenarios of their future institutional development. Bayesian model comparison suggests that the co-evolution approach turns out at least as influential as the competing theories in explaining shareholder and worker protection determination.

In 1992 two hugely influential works on recognition were published. These are Charles Taylor's essay 'The Politics of Recognition' & Axel Honneth's more overtly philosophical The Struggle for Recognition. Both works inaugurated new paradigms for assessing injustice in contemporary liberal democracies, & both were the subject of much commentary, criticism & debate -- the theory of recognition being revised & reconstructed in the process. These debates, however, largely advanced along parallel lines, producing little constructive interplay between them. Taylor's work is central to the communitarian critique of AngloAmerican liberalism, while Honneth's is firmly located within the critical theory tradition. The aims of this collection are to compare these two frameworks of recognition, to explore the relationship between the philosophical theory of recognition & its political aims, & to take an overview of the debate just over 15 years on. Here we briefly explain the main protagonists' concerns & outline some key themes which animate the examinations of the philosophy & politics of recognition which follow. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright 2008.]

Moral responsibility is a prominent concept used in political discourses and theoretical debates. Yet disagreement remains on how it could work in practice. When attempting to address global challenges such as global poverty, combating atrocities, or artificial intelligence, approaches often revert to retrospective accounts of responsibility that focus on non-compliance with regulatory frameworks. As a result, cases where prospective responsibility would be required often go unaddressed. In this article, we introduce an analytical conceptualization of responsibility that should help to guide the application of moral responsibility in such situations. In the first step, we develop a typology that distinguishes between four types of responsibility: 'obligatory', 'structural', 'prescribed', and 'discursive'. Second, we identify responsibility gaps for each responsibility type. Third, we introduce different ethical principles from political theory that help to identify potential responsibility relations. We illustrate the utility of this framework with the example of climate change, where ethical principles beyond the contribution principle have already been applied. The paper facilitates new perspectives in political debates about how to allocate responsibility in light of global challenges and enhances theoretical debates in International Relations scholarship.

"Climate Policy in European Union Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Boxes, Figures and Tables -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- Notes on Contributors -- 1 What's British about British Politics? -- A multinational state -- A centralised state -- An uncodified constitution -- A post-imperial state -- An Anglo-liberal political economy -- A liberal political culture -- 2 Britain's Experience of Coalition Government: Continuity and Change -- The Whitehall model in theory and practice -- The impact of the 2010-2015 coalition -- Coalition policymaking: Case studies -- The political consequences of coalition -- Conclusion -- 3 Voting Behaviour and Electoral Outcomes -- Citizens' changing approaches to voting and politics -- Symptoms of electoral change at Westminster -- The impact of electoral systems -- Conclusion -- 4 The Party System: Turbulent Multipartyism or Duopolistic Competition? -- The transformation of two-party unitary politics in terms of vote share, seat share and party membership, 1970-2010 -- Party politics 2010-2015 -- Party politics following the EU referendum -- Conclusion: Multiparty realignment or return to stable two-party politics? -- 5 Ideological Politics and the Party System -- The return of ideology? -- The context and drivers of change, 2010-2015 -- The right and centre-right -- The centre-left and a socialist alternative -- Working-class alienation and the left -- Territory, identity and political ideology -- Right-populism ascendant? -- The dream of an Anglosphere -- Other ideological sources -- Conclusion -- 6 Parliament: A Significant Constraint on Government -- Traditional views of the Westminster Parliament -- Parliament before 2010 -- The post-2010 Parliament: The numbers -- The 2010 coalition Parliament -- The first year of the 2015 Parliament -- Conclusion: An ever more independent Parliament? -- 7 Political Recruitment and the Political Class.