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1. Introductory Remarks About the Greens -- 2. Environment Protection in a Left-Libertarian Political Philosophy -- 3. Green Political Thought -- 4. The Greens as a Social Movement -- 5. The Green Parties -- 6. The Ideological Orientation of the Green Parties -- 7. A Critical Review of the Green Political Ideology.

Despite polls predicting a bigger victory, the Italian general elections of 2006 saw an extremely narrow victory by the centre-left coalition Unione, led by Romano Prodi. Electoral predictions had been based on the decreased popularity of the incumbent Berlusconi government over the previous five years. But Berlusconi showed great determination during the last months before the elections. He was able to pass a new electoral law and to conduct a very aggressive, mobilizing campaign, which allowed him to almost completely recover the gap. The result was also determined by the virtual disappearance of third forces, compared with 2001. Adapted from the source document.

This study investigates whether the agency of women in Egypt and Jordan influences their personal ideal number of children and their ability to have no more children than they desire. Moreover, a "couple's perspective" is adopted by examining whether the relationship between women's agency and unwanted births persists even when the husband desires more children than his wife. The study uses data from the 2015 Egypt Health Issues Survey (EHIS) and the 2017-2018 Jordan Population and Family Health Survey (JPFHS). Poisson regressions are used to estimate the association between agency and fertility desires, and linear probability models are used to estimate the association between agency and the ability to have no more children than desired. The results indicate negative associations between women's decision-making power and their personal ideal number of children in Egypt, but not in Jordan. In both countries, being involved in decisions about their own healthcare is positively associated with women's ability to have no more children than desired. However, this positive association is not evident when the husband wants more children than his wife. Among such couples, women's agency is negatively associated with avoiding unwanted births.

This paper describes the successful national program initiated by the South African government to produce disease-free African buffalo so as to ensure the sustainability of this species due to threats from diseases. Buffalo are known carriers of foot-and-mouth disease, bovine tuberculosis, Corridor disease and brucellosis. A long-term program involving multiphase testing and a breeding scheme for buffalo is described where, after 10 years, a sustainable number of buffalo herds are now available that are free of these four diseases. A large portion of the success was attributable to the use of dairy cows as foster parents with the five-stage quarantine process proving highly effective in maintaining the "disease-free" status of both the calves and the foster cows. The projects proved the successfulness of breeding with African buffalo in a commercial system that was unique to African buffalo and maintained the "wildness" of the animals so that they could effectively be released back into the wild with minimal, if any, behavioral problems.

Debates about decentralization raise cultural questions ofidentityand economic questions ofredistributionandefficiency. Therefore the preferences of statewide parties regarding decentralization are related to their positions on the economic and cultural ideological dimensions. A statistical analysis using data from thirty-one countries confirms this: parties on the economic right are more supportive of decentralization than parties on the economic left, while culturally liberal parties favour decentralization more than culturally conservative parties. However, country context – specifically the degree of regional self-rule, the extent of regional economic disparity and the ideology of regionalist parties – determines whether and how decentralization is linked to the two dimensions. These findings have implications for our understanding of the politics of decentralization by showing how ideology, rooted in a specific country context, shapes the 'mindset' of agents responsible for determining the territorial distribution of power.

This book examines the role played by the parties themselves in two-party systems. It rejects the argument that the behaviour of the parties is determined largely by social forces or by the supposed logic of the electoral market. Instead, it shows that both structure and agency can matter

In recent years, Italian legislation seems to have accomplished a 'corporatisation' of collective bargaining in response to employers' demands, without the filter of national collective bargaining. Article 8 of Law No. 148/2011 made it possible to deviate from legislative provisions and industry-wide collective bargaining on a wide range of topics. The Legislative Decrees implementing the Jobs Act in 2015 have gone even further, allowing the possibility of a different regulation both through different levels of collective bargaining and through individual agreements. Faced with these changes in the balance of power, collective bargaining has been weakened. Nevertheless, a number of national sectoral agreements have provided for ambitious efforts to establish a new relationship between the levels of collective bargaining or the mechanisms of collective agreements, as well as to re-regulate forms of workers' representation. As these national agreements are based on the voluntary compliance of workers' organisations and employers' associations, their implementation and enforcement in order to be effective will need to be accompanied by a re-establishment of the role of collective bargaining.

The article describes political and advocacy activity in nonprofit human service organizations for children, elderly people, women, and people with disabilities. On the whole, the level of their political activity was found to be moderate, as perceived by the directors of the organizations. The main findings reveal a significant positive correlation between advocacy and political activity in nonprofit organizations and their perceived influence on setting the public agenda. Analysis of the findings indicates that the larger the number of volunteers in the organization, the greater the organization's political influence. In addition, it was found that the more dependent the organizations were on funding from local authorities, the lower the level of advocacy and political activity. The effectiveness of strategies used to attain political influence was also analyzed. The most effective strategy was exerting pressure on decision makers, both on the national and local levels.

Political developments in Poland since victory of the Democratic Left Alliance and the Polish Peasant party in the Sept. 19, 1993 election.

Publicacio n del Comite de la Juventud Colorada de Rocha Pro-Candidatura Dr. Feliciano Viera.--t.p. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.