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US attitudes toward both legal & illegal immigration tended to be highly restrictionist during the first half of the twentieth century. Both legislative & executive branch policy supported this restrictionist outlook until the 1940s, when a gradual liberalization of immigration policy toward refugees began to occur because of foreign policy requirements & the onset of the Cold War. Further liberalization of PO & governmental policy occurred during the 1950s & 1960s. During the past 15 years, however, PO & government policy began to diverge. Because of economic & other problems, Americans became more restrictionist toward immigrants, according to PO survey polls. But the government has difficulty implementing a more restrictionist policy for a variety of reasons, among them the strong lobbying efforts of pro-alien activist groups, combined with US ambivalence toward the plight of immigrants as individuals. Modified HA

The assumption is usually made that if a social system wants to encourage certain forms of behavior, the attachment of rewards is likely to accomplish this goal. It is suggested here, however, that people intercede in dangerous criminal events because of personal attributes, eg, strength, training, & concomitant self-assurance regarding the success of the interception. Reward & recognition seem to play at best a secondary role, despite the enactment of Good Samaritan legislation to provide financial help to intervenors. 1 Table, 13 References. Modified AA.

This publication examines health policy in the United States, which reflects authoritative decisions and the process of decision-making, carried out at the federal, state, and local levels, which affect personal health and access to and delivery of health services.

AbstractAt first sight, French nuclear energy policy offers a textbook example of how technical, constitutional and economic restrictions, powerful interest groups and path dependence constrain democratic responsiveness. This paper uses what might seem to be an unlikely case in order to question explanations of policy choices in terms of technocracy, path dependence and interest groups against the background of an under-estimated factor: party and coalition strategies. The original data collected on public attitudes towards nuclear energy and the attention dedicated to this issue in the media, as well as in the parliamentary and electoral arenas, show that the effect of public opinion is conditioned by party incentives to politicise the issue at stake. In other words, parties and coalition-making constraints act as a mediating variable between citizens' preferences and policy choices. These findings point to the need to integrate this conditional variable into analyses of responsiveness and models of policymaking.

Companies require information about customers to understand them, know their preferences, and develop relationships with them. Companies employ a number of direct and digital marketing channels to collect information and intelligence about customers. Marketers adopt a number of unfair practices for collecting information through direct and digital marketing and this raises concerns about consumer privacy. The article discusses the various aspects of consumer privacy and the need for protecting consumer privacy. The article further focuses on the various regulations enforced by regulatory bodies and governments of countries to protect customers. Various initiatives taken by companies to protect customers are discussed. Direct and digital marketing channels allow companies to collect information and intelligence about customers and to influence them. However, companies should be sensitive to customer concerns. This will help companies in building long-term customer relationships.

This article documents a U.S. Cuban foreign policy cycle that operated in tandem with the presidential electoral cycle between 1992 and 2004. During these post-Cold War years, when Cuba posed no threat to U.S. national security, influential, well-organized Cuban Americans leveraged political contributions and votes to tighten the embargo on travel and trade, especially at the personal level. U.S. presidential candidates, most notably incumbent presidents seeking re-election, responded to their demands with discretionary powers of office. When presidential candidates supported policies that made good electoral sense but conflicted with concerns of state, they subsequently reversed or left unimplemented Cuba initiatives. After describing the logic behind an ethnic electoral policy cycle and U.S. personal embargo policy between 1992 and 2004, this article examines Cuban American voter participation, political and policy preferences, lobbying, political contributions, and the relationship between the ethnic policy and presidential election cycles. Adapted from the source document.