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ABSTRACTSocial scientists have given substantial attention to poverty across U.S. localities. However, most work views localities through the lens of population aggregates, not as units of government. Few poverty researchers question whether governments of poorer localities have the capacity to engage in economic development and service activities that might improve community well‐being. This issue is increasingly important as responsibilities for growth and redistribution are decentralized to local governments that vary dramatically in resources. Do poorer communities have less activist local governments? Are they more likely to be engaged in a race to the bottom, focusing on business attraction activities but neglecting services for families and working people? We bring together two distinct literatures, critical research on decentralization and research on local development efforts, that provide contrasting views about the penalty of poverty. Data are from a unique, national survey of county governments measuring activity across two time points. The most consistent determinants of activity are local government capacity, devolutionary pressures, and inertia or past use of strategies. Net of these factors, levels and changes in poverty do not significantly impact government activity. There is no evidence the nations' poorest counties are racing to the bottom. Findings challenge views that poverty is a systematic structural barrier to pursuing innovative economic development policies and suggest that even poorer communities can take steps to build local capacity, resources, and networks that expand programs for local businesses and low‐wage people.

The purpose of this article is to analyze some recent changes in labor market policy and labor law in order to show how changes in this kind of regulation have had consequences for work in the media industries. Even though a considerable amount of research has been performed on media work during the last decade, it is quite uncommon within critical media studies to relate such research to policy and regulation. The point I want to make with this article is that the increasing precariousness and de-professionalization that are occurring within media work, as documented in previous research, must be understood against a background of policy change and political decisions, rather than only being seen as an effect of economic or technological shifts within the media industry. This article hence contributes to the current knowledge of the relationship between labor market policy and the media industry in Sweden; as such, it more generally contributes to the current knowledge of such a relationship in a Nordic welfare state, with all its specifi cities and differences from other parts of Europe and the world. Nevertheless, the results and discussions in this article are related – and relevant – to more general European tendencies in the area of labor market policy as it relates to the media. ; Cilj ovog rada je analizirati neke nedavne promjene u politici tržišta rada i radnog prava kako bi se pokazalo kako su promjene te vrste regulative imale posljedice za rad u medijskim industrijama. Iako je tijekom posljednjeg desetljeća proveden značajni broj istraživanja o medijskom radu, prilično je neuobičajeno u kritičnim medijskim studijama povezati takvo istraživanje s politikom i regulacijom. Ono što želim naglasiti ovim člankom jest da se povećani prekarni rad i deprofesionalizacija koja se događa unutar medijskog rada, kao što je dokumentirano u ranijem istraživanju, moraju razumijevati u skladu s politič- kim promjenama i političkim odlukama, a ne da se na njih gleda samo kao na ekonomske ili tehnološke pomake unutar medijske industrije. Ovaj rad stoga doprinosi trenutnom znanju o odnosima između politike tržišta rada i medijske industrije u Švedskoj te kao takav doprinosi trenutnom znanju o tim odnosima u nordijskoj socijalnoj državi, sa svim svojim posebnostima i razlikama od drugih dijelova Europe i svijeta. Međutim, rezultati i rasprava u ovom članku povezani su i općenito važni za europska nastojanja u području politike tržišta rada, kao i medija.

Land reform is one way in which the 'new' South Africa set out to redress the injustices of apartheid and, by redistributing land to black South Africans, to transform the structural basis of racial inequality. During the first decade of democracy, land reform has fallen far short of both public expectations and official targets. This article describes the progress of the programme and its changing nature. It is argued that a recent shift in land policy, from a focus on the rural poor to 'emerging' black commercial farmers, is consistent with changes in macro-economic policy and reflects shifting class alliances. The programme now appears to pursue a limited deracialisation of the commercial farming areas rather than a process of agrarian restructuring. Most fundamentally, land reform has not yet provided a strategy to overcome agrarian dualism.
This paper draws on research by the author under the aegis of the 'Evaluating Land and Agrarian Reform in South Africa' research programme at the Programme for Land and Agrarian Studies (PLAAS), University of Western Cape, and in particular the final report of that research, co-authored with Peter Jacobs and Edward Lahiff (Hall, Jacobs and Lahiff, 2003).

Scholars have long noted how migration streams, once initiated, obtain a self-feeding character. Studies have attributed this phenomenon – the cumulative causation of migration – to expanding social networks that connect migrants in destination to individuals in origin. Studies however, often disagree on how social networks influence migration decisions. While many establish a positive association between individuals' ties to prior migrants and their migration propensities, only few acknowledge that multiple social mechanisms might account for these interdependencies. To address this issue, we adopt a typology developed by DiMaggio and Garip (2012) and consider three mechanisms by which social ties may influence individuals' migration choices. We study the prevalence of these mechanisms in the Mexico-US migration context using a mixed methods approach. First, analysing data from more than 90,000 individuals surveyed by the Mexican Migration Project (MMP) we establish the presence of network effects in migration and test how prior migrants in the family or community increase individuals' migration propensities, and whether prior migrants reduce the effect of economic or political indicators on migration propensities. Second, we analyse qualitative data from 120 in-depth interviews to determine the different mechanisms that lead to interdependencies in individuals' migration choices. We thus provide a deeper understanding of migration as a social process, which we contend is crucial for anticipating future flows and policy responses.

Security concerns for the US; consequences for Mexico and policy responses; 3 articles.

Chapter 1. Introduction: The Issue of Regional Development -- Chapter 2. Growth and International Knowledge Spillovers with Firm Heterogeneity -- Chapter 3. Political Economy of Patent Policy and Economic Growth -- Chapter 4. Abundant Resource Endowments, Institutions and Economic Growth - A Theoretical Framework and Validation Using China's Provincial Data -- Chapter 5. Endogenous Fertility, Childlessness and Economic Growth -- Chapter 6. Economic Growth and Work–Life Balance -- Chapter 7. Uncertainty of Educational Outcome, Demographic Transition and Income Distribution -- Chapter 8. Investment in Education and Intergenerational Conflicts of Interest within the Family -- Chapter 9. Income Inequality and Intergenerational Mobility in an Endogenously Growing Economy.-.

1. Introduction to international human rights -- Treaties. 2. Ratification and implementation of treaties : the covenant on economic, social and cultural rights -- 3. State reporting under international human rights treaties (United States) -- 4. State reporting under international human rights treaties (Iran); cultural relativism -- Gross violations. 5. What U.N. procedures are available for violations of human rights? ECOSOC resolutions 1235 and 1503; thematic procedures -- 6. Collective and unilateral humanitarian intervention -- 7. Can human rights violations be punished and victims assured redress? -- 8. International human rights fact-finding -- 9. How can the U.S. government influence respect for human rights in other countries? -- Use of adjudicative remedies. 10. How are pronouncements of human rights in international instruments interpreted? The Baby Boy case in the Inter-American Commission -- 11. What can U.S. lawyers learn from the European human rights system? -- 12. U.S. adjudicative remedies for violations occurring outside the U.S. : Filartiga and its progeny -- 13. U.S. remedies for human rights violations within the U.S. : alien children in detention -- 14. Refugee and asylum law; jurisprudence of human rights; cultural relativism -- Causes of human rights violations. 15. What seem to be the causes of human rights violations and how might knowledge as to causation be useful?

Net neutrality has played critical issues in internet-based businesses, as it may stop Internet Service Providers (ISPs) from discriminating against certain legal internet contents, platforms, or services. This study argued that net neutrality has a strong relationship with economic democracy as the constitutional basis of the Indonesian economy. This study examined net neutrality and considered its possible adoption in Indonesia under economic democracy by justifying economic democracy required the state to build an inclusive economy as per political economy theory. It used a socio-legal method through an interdisciplinary study of law and political economy with conceptual and comparative approaches. The study showed that the idea of the internet as a level playing field was founding net neutrality. For instance, in the United States and across different Global South countries, net neutrality relied on three orders of no blocking, no throttling, and no paid prioritization, which provided equal access for everyone to create their opportunities. At this point, economic democracy and net neutrality made their cross-cut. Like net neutrality, a discriminatory action against a content provider violated economic democracy, where policy-makers formulated economic policies to enable a level playing field for economic actors. Minimum barriers to entering the market might create such a level playing field. Without net neutrality, ISPs could carry out arbitrary actions and abuse of power for business interests. This study concluded that the adoption of net neutrality into formal regulation created a positive climate of innovation in the digital business ecosystem in Indonesia. KEYWORDS: Economic Democracy, Net Neutrality, Digital Economy.

SUMMARY After outlining recent developments and the scope, target audience, and structure of the book, we review the literature on globalisation and environmental policy, especially the impact of globalisation on the environment and changes in environmental governance in relation to increasingly global spheres of influence. This is followed by a succinct representation of the essential points of all contributions to this volume. While each chapter has its own distinct focus and perspective, we identify common themes in major outcomes and future directions: the delicate and multifaceted relation between economic globalisation and environmental protection, shifts in domestic environmental issues, evolving governance mechanisms, dealing with changed sovereignty, the promotion of self-enforcing mechanisms, prospects for existing and new policy instruments, and finding a new balance between globalisation and national environmental policy.

The role of the "Big Five" personality traits in driving welfare state attitudes has received scant attention in social policy research. Yet neuroticism in particular—a disposition to stress, worry, and get nervous easily—is theoretically likely to be an important driver of welfare attitudes precisely because welfare states deliver social "security" and "safety" nets. Using cross-sectional data from the German Socio-Economic Panel, we study three distinct attitude types (dissatisfaction with the social security system, feelings of personal financial insecurity, and preferences for state provision) and multiple social need contexts (including unemployment, ill health, old age, and nursing care). Controlling for established explanations such as self-interest, partisanship, and socialization, neuroticism does not systematically affect support for state provision. But it robustly increases general dissatisfaction with social security, as well as financial insecurity across various need contexts. Neurotic people are thus less happy with welfare state programmes across the board, yet they also appear to need these programmes more. This trait may be an important deeper layer driving other social attitudes.

This paper empirically examines how financial sector development affects the FDI-economic growth nexus in Guyana. The novelty is that we examine the relationship in a poor, Small Island Developing State (SIDS) with an underdeveloped financial sector, and where the bulk of FDI flows to the extractive sector. Using annual data from 1981 to 2014, and, both a VECM and ARDL framework that distinguishes among long-run and short-run causal impacts, we provide new insights on why FDI may have a smaller impact on economic growth in SIDS or resource-rich countries. Specifically, we find that FDI dampens long-run growth in Guyana, which is consistent with the extractive literature, but through interaction with the financial sector, FDI has a positive offsetting effect at all levels of financial development in the period under study. While our findings have several nuanced policy implications on how to maximize the developmental potential of FDI in Guyana, they may be relevant to other SIDS or resource-rich countries.