Suchergebnisse

The recent two-decade-long march of "global China" – manifested as outward flows of investment, loans, infrastructure, migrants, media, cultural programmes and international and civil society engagement – has left sweeping but variegated footprints in many parts of the world. From "going out," officially announced in the year 2000, to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Made in China 2025, and from the developing world to advanced industrialized democracies, state-endorsed campaigns are but tips of a much more momentous iceberg. Numerous Chinese citizens and private corporations have also participated in a global search for employment, business, investment and educational and emigration opportunities. International reactions to the increasingly ubiquitous presence of China and the Chinese people in almost every corner of the world have evolved from a mixture of anxiety and hope to a more explicitly critical backlash. Terms such as "sharp power," "debt-trap diplomacy" and the "new Cold War" bespeak the West's dominant perception today of China as a threat to be contained.

Status-seeking practices of some states from the Global South have increasingly been studied in the status literature in International Relations. The existing debates, whilst developing significant advances recently, still fail to account for and theorise both status anxieties of postcolonial states and the intrinsic relation between them and existential anxieties. This article will address this gap through utilising an ontological security perspective on status-seeking. By focusing on subjectivities (not solely on identities as conventionally done in the status literature) and introducing subject production to the process of status-seeking, this article conceptualises status in relation to identity narratives of the subject to achieve 'wholeness' in hierarchical social orders. This novel post-structuralist understanding of status and status-seeking through the introduction of a Lacanian theorisation of ontological security offers an alternative perspective to approaches in status debates to understand status anxieties of postcolonial states better. The conceptual discussion will be illustrated through demonstrating Turkey's status anxiety in relation to its paid-off debt to International Monetary Fund.

Extraites de publications dans les médias, les « données d'événement » sont utilisées dans les études académiques et dans la prédiction stratégique de conflits. Elles permettent de produire des connaissances sur le comportement des acteurs des relations internationales et elles fournissent aux gouvernants une aide à la prise de décision. Depuis leur création dans les années 1960, les artisans de ces savoirs ont sans cesse renouvelé les promesses d'optimiser la prise de décision politique en contexte de crise, en échange du financement de leurs recherches. Cependant, en exploitant ce qui est édité par les industries de l'information, ces études sur la guerre reprennent sans examen critique les représentations sélectives façonnées par les journalistes. Cet article montre que les promesses d'optimisation de la décision ne peuvent être tenues, et il met en évidence dans quelle mesure les savoirs utilisant des données d'événement concourent à la reproduction de rapports de domination, initialement dans le domaine de l'information internationale, dans le domaine académique de l'analyse et de la prédiction de crises.

AbstractNationalism is often associated with xenophobia and isolationism in academic literature. The negative image of nationalism has been further strengthened by the electoral success of far‐right political figures across the world. However, treating all nationalism as a uniformly negative phenomenon risks over‐simplification, as nationalism might manifest differently given different social context and rhetorical resources available. Taking Hong Kong as a case, this paper theorises Hong Kong as a stateless nation and examines the alleged negative association of nationalism. It moves beyond the traditional 'Hong Kong vis‐a‐vis China' framework and explores the relationship between Hong Kong nationalists and non‐Chinese international actors. Drawing on data from major Hong Kong political parties' Facebook page, this paper shows that Hong Kong nationalism exhibits a high level of internationalism in both inward and outward dimensions, theorised, respectively, as the willingness to accept foreign influence and to invite international cooperation, and therefore offers a nuanced understanding about the relationship between nationalism, xenophobia and isolationism.

The use of armed drones has emerged as a principal counterterrorism tool for western militaries, especially France and the United States. While France submits its strikes to the United Nations for approval, the United States typically does not. Does this difference matter for public support and perceptions of legitimacy? To better understand these dynamics, we fielded original survey experiments across nationally representative samples in France and the United States totaling in over 1800 respondents. Our results reflect that international approval is associated with both higher public support and greater perceived legitimacy for a strike. Further, we find that respondents emphasize international law as the basis for support and legitimacy, suggesting a cross-national belief in multilateralism for normative rather than strictly instrumental reasons. These relationships are moderated by the identity of the country conducting a hypothetical strike, implying both an "othering" effect and the emergence of distinct models of strikes across countries that deserve more study amid the ongoing proliferation of armed drones. Video Abstract: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YevyaKThae0

Women's advocates' strategies to influence international health agencies offer a new way to think about development. This article deals with the vibrant growth of women's health initiatives at the Pan-American Health Organization during Latin America's financially turbulent years from the 1980s through the 1990s. The multi-faceted nature of this process was especially apparent in the case of cervical cancer, the illness that launched the organization's cancer control programs. Archived reports and interviews with former officers show how the Pan-American Health Organization's approach to women's health broadened in this period to include new actors in response to demands of women's health advocates from Latin America. These advocates advanced the position that gender inequality played a fundamental role in placing women at risk for lethal and preventable illnesses. They also challenged international health agencies such as the Pan-American Health Organization to prioritize redressing those gendered inequalities as integral to development, rather than define the latter solely in terms of the improvement of economic conditions.

AbstractWhile research documents that some migrants leave their country of origin for political reasons, we do not know how the political factors in the host‐country matter to explain immigrants' (im‐)mobility behaviours after an initial migration. Addressing this gap, this study explores noncitizens' (im‐)mobility responses to regional integration policies. Building on the evidence that inclusive policies foster immigrants' ties to the host‐country over time, the paper argues that effective exposure to inclusive policies decreases inter‐cantonal and international mobility, i.e. increases noncitizens' immobility. To test this, we run multilevel analyses using STATPOP register data on the entire immigrant resident population of Switzerland, and cantonal integration policy data. Findings reveal that inclusive policies do indeed amplify the sedentary effect of time spent in Switzerland, and, thus, increase noncitizens' immobility. This pattern holds true for international and inter‐cantonal mobility, and is most pronounced among vulnerable immigrants, i.e. non‐EU citizens holding a less‐stable legal permit.

Alltagsgeschichte has contributed much to our understanding of the emergence, construction and development of dictatorships in the twentieth century. However, Franco's regime has hardly featured in the main accounts of everyday life and social attitudes in European dictatorships. This article seeks to remedy this deficit by placing Franco's forty-year-long rule into international debates on everyday life under non-democratic regimes. This is achieved by exploring the heterogeneous and dynamic attitudes and strategies employed by Spaniards to cope with hunger and scarcity during the post-war period. The article draws on a range of sources from international, national and local archives, as well as several life-history interviews. These provide a deeper insight into individual experience and behaviour, which is at the heart of Alltagsgeschichte. By focusing on everyday life experiences and the potential of concepts like Eigen-Sinn, this article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the way in which ordinary people negotiated power in their daily lives.

The internationalisation of political science is an uneven process. Existing studies have shown that it is characterised by centre-periphery relationships, with dominant Western countries setting the international standards of the discipline and scholars from the East and the Global South struggling to adapt to these standards. Fewer studies, however, have been devoted to the tensions that internationalisation creates within the Western world of political science. Through a study of the case of France, this article argues that some of the countries that enjoy a rather dominant position globally may still be internally divided by the changes brought about by internationalisation. The article portrays French political science as divided between institutions and scholars that are strongly connected to international venues, and others that are not. It concludes that the internationalisation of political science is best portrayed as a conflicted process and a point of contention, rather than a smooth process of gradual convergence.

ABSTRACT
Refugee children are often neither recognised as rights holders nor as active agents in asylum procedures. A one-sided view of these children as vulnerable objects is not in coherence with international children's rights, including the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which regards all children as autonomous subjects and full bearers of rights. Through 21 in-depth interviews with unaccompanied, separated, and accompanied children in the Netherlands, their perceptions and experiences are collected and analysed in relation to their right to be informed and to participate in asylum application proceedings. It is shown that children possess little information on the asylum application interview, which they perceive as particularly stressful. However, they display agency in the choices they make during the interview. Accompanied children find themselves in a rather difficult position, feeling jointly responsible for the outcome of the procedure. It is concluded that effective and meaningful participation, in line with the international children's rights framework, is difficult to realise in the context of asylum proceedings.

Abstract
While most international relations (IR) scholars tend to minimize the effect of relations between statespersons on foreign policy, this article argues that interpersonal relationships have more weight than the literature suggests. On the basis of twenty-one interviews conducted with senior Israeli statespersons, we propose a two-level model-linking positive interaction between statespersons and actual consequences at the state level. At the personal level, positive interactions can create receptiveness, build trust, facilitate accessibility and availability, and advance personal commitment. Translating these outcomes into consequences at the state level is mediated either by persuasion or by commitment. If persuasion is effective or there exists a high level of personal commitment, statespersons are more likely to succeed in mobilizing international support, removing obstacles to agreements, gathering sensitive information, and diffusing interstate tension. We conclude by discussing the limitations and advantages of good personal relations between statespersons and their implications for IR practice and theory.

Should international pro-climate actors speak up against climate rogues, or do foreign critics risk igniting nationalist backlash against global environmental norms and institutions? We explore naming and shaming dynamics in global climate politics by fielding survey experiments to nationally representative samples in Brazil. Our results show that nationalism moderates public reactions to foreign climate shaming: individuals who are highly attached to their nation are more likely to reject international criticism than their lowly attached peers. Contrary to existing expectations, however, we find that nationalist publics express little support for virulent defiance against foreign critics. Our findings hold irrespective of the source of criticism and the nature of the critical message. These results sound a cautionary note on the belief that liberal internationalists should tread carefully so as not to unadvisedly unleash nationalist pushback. Although foreign climate criticism may bump up against nationalist sentiment in climate rogues, it will not necessarily fuel an all-out backlash against the global environmental regime.

This article interrogates whether, and if so how, international mediation might shape the identities of the conflict parties. I examine stages I and II of the Geneva Peace Process, the early United Nations (UN)-led efforts in relation to the Syrian civil war, by thematically analysing 31 semi-structured interviews, 35 press conferences and 68 official documents. I argue that mediators and conflict parties can reimagine the identities of the conflict parties within, and in response to, mediation. Mediation may form a backdrop to processes of identity construction, while the very occurrence of mediation can provoke processes of identity construction. Within the case analysed, the Syrian opposition and members of the international community reconstructed a vision of the Syrian people, depicting the nation as being united by suffering. This, I contend, was driven by a perceived need to legitimise the peace process while the Syrian opposition was simultaneously painted in parallel hues in an attempt to legitimise their aspirations to govern.

This chapter locates Orbanian discourse and measures on migration in a Schmittian paradigm. The theory of Carl Schmitt helps us make sense of Hungarian constitutional developments, because Orbán has continuously concentrated on the political friend and foe to maintain a permanent 'crisis' situation. The chapter shows how Orbán's authoritarian goals have determined the management of regular migration and the control of irregular migration and especially asylum. Most rules applicable during the fictitious 'state of crisis caused by mass immigration' in Hungary contradict EU law and breach international asylum law. The chapter argues that the 'external constraining force' of the EU is nevertheless relevant both in the context of migration and for the possibilities of democratic resistance. The chapter finds potential for legal resilience on the international and EU level, whereas domestically techniques of democratic resistance developed during feudalism (e.g., the tradition of free cities or 'passive resistance') and socialism (e.g., samizdat) can be mixed with those based on the leftovers of the rule of law regime.

The 2021 pandora papers show that many wealthy individuals and even politicians use shell companies to hide their fortunes. In order to fight international personal tax evasion, the Common Reporting Standard (CRS) was implemented and it helped governments to collect USD 85 billion already. USD 182 billion are still missing from the government budget because of personal tax evasion. The individual implementation strategies of CRS compliant countries can endanger the effectiveness of the Automatic Exchange of Information (AEOI). Several loopholes are used to circumvent the CRS. There are amendments possible which increase the effectiveness by improving the implementation strategies and closing the loopholes. The enforcement of the CRS should become stricter by removing financial institutions' licenses to operate in cases of non-compliance. Beneficial ownership registers should increase transparency regarding investments and securities. Within the current momentum of international tax legislation, the CRS compliant countries may leverage the USA into signing the CRS as well. The USA could in turn demand a more effective CRS before signing it.