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In recent years many scholars have contributed to the development of Marxist analyses of urban political economy. At the same time, a smaller number of social and political theorists have examined Marx's political theory and identified his theory of public and private life as a central component of his politics. Too often, Marxist analyses of urban political economy do not fully incorporate Marx's political theory. Analyses of Marx's politics, on the other hand, tend to overlook the dimensions of the modern city which illuminate his theory of public and private. This article brings together Marx's urban theory and political theory and suggests that they are, in fact, very much intertwined.

THE PRECISED CALENDAR OF MAASTRICHT TREATY FOR SETTING UP THE EUROPEAN SYSTEM OF CENTRAL BANKS (ESCB) AND THE EUROPEAN CENTRAL BANK (ECB) WITH A SINGLE CURRENCY CAN MERELY BE EXPLAINED BY THE CONCERN OF THE MEMBER COUNTRIES OF HAVING SUCH A MONETARY INTEGRATION BEFORE THE END OF THE CENTURY. THERE'S EVERY CHANCE THAT ESCB BE FORMED WITH LIMITED NUMBER OF COUNTRIES, NAMELY: FRANCE, GERMANY, LUXEMBOURG, NETHERLANDS. IF THE OBJECTIVES OF PRICE CONTROLS AND NON MONETISATION OF DEBT ASSIGNED TO ESCB ARE UNEQUIVOCAL, THE RESPONSIBILITY OF FIXING THE PARITY OF ECU VIS-A-VIS THIRD CURRENCIES WHICH BELONGS TO THE COUNCIL AND THE PARLIAMENT MIGHT DEPRIVE THE ESCB OF FULL SCOPE IN CONDUCTING MONETARY POLICY. IN REGARD TO FISCAL POLICIES, THE COEXISTENCE OF BUDGETS OF VARIOUS NATURES AND THE CONJONCTURAL STABILIZATIONS PROGRAMS IN PROSPECT RENDER DIFFICULT ANY COMPUTATION ON FUTURE COORDINATION POLICY OR FEDERAL BUDGET. FINALLY,ECU ONCE IN PLACE AS A SINGLE CURRENCY COULD EXTEND BEYOND THE COMMUNITIES, BUT ITS ACCEPTANCE ON FINANCIAL AND COMMERCIAL MARKETS BESIDE THE DOLLAR AND THE YEN IS SCARCELY PREDICTABLE. THIS TENDANCY TOWARD CURRENCIES ZONE, THUS REPEATING HISTORY OF THE YEARS THIRTIES, DOES NOT CONSTITUTE ANY GUARANTY FOR THE STABILITY OF INTERNATIONAL MONETARY SYSTEM WHICH WOULD REQUIRE A KIND OF MULTILATERAL SURVEILLANCE.

El artículo establece un diálogo entre los modos de hacer política en relación a demandas indígenas de dos formaciones sociales: la lucha por la tierra en el pueblo Kolla de Nazareno (provincia de Salta) y la lucha por la vivienda en la población Qom de la ciudad de Resistencia (provincia de Chaco). Sirviéndonos de las perspectivas basadas en el análisis empírico de lugares-eventos, ponemos en relación la tierra y la vivienda como signos de politicidades indígenas en ámbitos rurales y urbanos contemporáneos. Los resultados abordan de qué manera los signos en disputa se traman en espacialidades y temporalidades -anudadas y contradictorias- donde la práctica política subalterna encuentra expresión. ; The article establishes a dialogue between the ways of doing politics in relation to indigenous demands of social formation: the village for the Nazarene village (Salta province) and the village for the village de Resistencia (Chaco province). Sirviendonos of perspectives based on the empirical analysis of places-events, we put in relation the land and the village as signs of indigenous politicities in contemporary rural and urban areas. The results deal with how the signs in dispute are dealt with in spatialities and temporalities -aided and contradictory- from where the subordinate political practice finds expression. ; O artigo estabelece um diálogo entre os modos de fazer política na relação as indígenas das duas formações sociais: a luta pela terra na pueblo Kolla de Nazareno (província de Salta) e a lucha pela vivenda na população Qom da cidade de Resistencia (província de Chaco). Usando informações baseadas na análise empírica de lugares-eventos, ligamos terra e habitação como sinais de políticas indígenas nas áreas rurais e urbanas contemporâneas. Os resultados abordam de que maneira os sinais em disputa são tecidos em espacialidades e temporalidades -atadas e contraditórias- onde a prática política subordinada encontra expressão. ; Fil: Quevedo, Cecilia Mercedes. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Ciencias de la Comunicación. Instituto de Estudios en Comunicación, Expresión y Tecnologías; Argentina. ; Fil: Quevedo, Cecilia Mercedes. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Córdoba. Instituto de Estudios en Comunicación, Expresión y Tecnologías; Argentina. ; Fil: Quevedo, Cecilia Mercedes. Universidad Nacional de Villa María. Instituto Académico Pedagógico de Ciencias Sociales; Argentina. ; Fil: Villagra, Emilia. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Ciencias de la Comunicación. Instituto de Estudios en Comunicación, Expresión y Tecnologías; Argentina. ; Fil: Villagra, Emilia. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Córdoba. Instituto de Estudios en Comunicación, Expresión y Tecnologías; Argentina.

Many students of world politics take their subject so seriously that they often mistake their conception of reality for reality itself. There may be an objective truth about any given event or trend in world affairs, but the observer must use some method to comprehend it and, in so doing, he inevitably renders the truth subjective. The "established facts" of world politics are, in effect, no more than widespread agreement—what I shall call an intersubjective consensus—among actors and experts as to the existence and relevance of particular phenomena. Total comprehension of the realities of world politics can thus only be approximated. The greater the intersubjective consensus, the greater the comprehension and the more "real" the reality.

Recent developments in the study of international politics reflect two major emphases. One comprises a variety of attempts at systematization and stresses the "frame of reference" approach; the other seeks specific knowledge of national policies in greater detail and stresses the "area studies" approach. Theoretically, the first explains international politics in terms of broad generalizations applicable to all international actors insofar as they conform to an ideal model or depart therefrom in a calculable manner. The second seeks to understand international politics in terms of the relationship of foreign policy to the total social and historical context from which it emerges. This article is an attempt to find a middle ground between these two emphases.

This thesis explores contemporary modes of video activism for a radical politics of the Left. It offers an analytical contribution to media and communication that promotes an understanding of radical online video as modes of political engagement in contemporary online environments. By focusing on YouTube as one of the most prevalent spaces in which radical video is screened and experienced today, the platform is considered emblematic of an ongoing reorganisation of political space and mediated modes of political engagement in contemporary liberal democracies. As an empirical entry point, YouTube provides a window onto examining the radical video practices emerging in relation to three recent political mobilisations in Europe: 1. The European Social Forum in Malmoe in 2008 2. The alternative COP15 climate summit in Copenhagen in 2009 3. The G20 counter-summit in London in 2009 As three distinct, yet related protest events, these cases provide significant examples of the broad social movement mobilisations that over the past decade have sought to render the consequences of neoliberal politics and governance a visible social problem, and put Left alternatives on the political and public agenda. Through six articles based on the three case studies, this compilation thesis examines the dualities and tensions that characterise video activism on this political vector today. It describes and highlights the texts and contexts of video activism, in a time when the longstanding tradition of working with the power of the image in political portrayal and argument is increasingly reallocated to the mechanisms of social networking and corporate control in contemporary online environments. Part I of this thesis sets the scene by establishing the terrain of the research. As an initial analytical effort, this chapter proposes a typology for understanding radical online video as 'political mash-up genres', emerging in the context of an increasingly complex set of media practices and circuits across intertwined and hybrid communication networks. This chapter further extends the terms of analysis by offering an account of the history of video activism and suggests how an analysis of historical modes of video activism may help contextualise and understand social movement media practices today. The six empirical articles account for Part II of the thesis. Each on its own terms, the articles offer empirical contributions that promote an understanding of the various ways 'the political' is on display and radical politics are being forged on YouTube. In a dual vein of analytical enquiry, the articles examine radical online video as a range of media forms for political argument and portrayal and interrogate the possibilities and constraints offered by the 'architecture of participation' on YouTube to the specific groups and struggles represented in the three case studies. In doing so, the articles identify and analyse a set of tensions and dualities that characterise the ways in which individual and collective actors engage in radical video practice, through media forms that straddle the discursive registers of fact and fiction, art and document, information and entertainment, politics and popular culture. Together, the articles give shape to a range of social movement media practices across a historical, technological, political and aesthetic-discursive range. In the concluding considerations of Part III, I return to the issue of historical contexts to illustrate how close comparative attention to historical modes of video activism can help us understand the complexities and contingencies of online video recruited for radical politics today. The analysis exhibits how contemporary modes of video activism are characterised by practices in which the old and the new, the past and the present, clearly overlap. While we may recognise the incentives and dynamics behind contemporary video activism as well known to the trajectory of Left thinking and action, these insights are suggestive of how such media practices are re-organised and refocused in keeping with the emergence of new means of, and arenas for, political engagement.

The need for electronic messaging services and the potential for
participants in the European Electronic Interchange market are
considered. It is argued that the future growth and popularisation of
EDI and global messaging will be considerable and that EDI has a
significant role to play in the actual realisation of a single European
market in 1992.

Turkey; Politics and government; 20th century

Arab countries; nationalism; politics and government

Politics under President Marcos, chiefly; lecture.

1989 was the year of parliamentarism in the Soviet Union. The leaders of the Party State sought a source of democratic legitimacy in the new Congress of People's Deputies and the legislative activity of the Supreme Soviet. As soon as it was established, the new parliamentary institutions faced a system of government which was still centralised, marked by arbitrariness, and a federal state threatened with break-up. In fact, 1990 is the year in which the Soviet State was called into question in terms of its territorial integrity, its legal and political identity and its institutions of government. [1st paragraph] ; L'année 1989 a été en Union soviétique l'année du parlementarisme. Les dirigeants de l'Etat-parti ont cherché dans le nouveau Congrès des députés du peuple et l'activité législative du Soviet suprême une source de légitimité démocratique. Aussitôt en place, les nouvelles institutions parlementaires se sont heurtées à un système de gouvernement toujours centralisé, marqué d'arbitraire, et à un Etat fédéral menacé d'éclatement. De fait, l'année 1990 s'affirme comme l'année de la remise en question de l'Etat soviétique dans son intégrité territoriale, son identité juridico-politique et ses institutions de gouvernement. [1er paragraphe]

The current situation & potential future of the US political Left is discussed in the edited-for-length conclusion to Flacks's (1995) "Dark Times Manifesto." Although Left politics were historically organized at the national level with a large degree of intellectual cohesion & cooperation, it is argued the leftist model of cooperation between the leftist state & business is not as accepted as it had been in the 1960s. As the failures of previous Left politics have become increasingly evident, new models & theories have been developed. However, it is suggested that contemporary Left politics have suffered from (1) the failure to find a unified goal, (2) the erosion of the national basis for Left politics due to the spread of globalism, & (3) an increasingly powerful & unified conservative movement. Mobilization of the Left demands articulation of a coherent progressive agenda, including the global restructuring of work; democratization of the political system; recognition of global demands; & expansion of the social wage, community power, & worker power. It is concluded that such a process must be initiated & maintained through the unification of currently fragmented leftist special interest groups. T. Sevier

Based on the guidelines issued by the European Securities and Market Authority and by the European Banking Authority, the article deals with the legal qualification of blockchain-based crypto-assets under EU law. Focusing on crypto-assets that function as a) investment instruments (that is, investment tokens) and as b) electronic money (that is, payment tokens), the work outlines shortages and drawbacks in the applicability and enforcement of existing EU legal frameworks regulating investment activities and payment services. With such analysis, the article seeks to inform the ongoing debate within European institutions on the need of regulatory intervention in this area, and it points out pressing questions to be tackled by further research.

AbstractConstitutional pluralism is a theory for the post-sovereign European state. This only makes sense historically, emerging out of postwar European reconstruction through the repression of popular sovereignty and restraining of democracy, including through the project of European integration. It became unsettled at Maastricht and evolved from a series of irritants into a full-blown crisis in the recent decade, with sovereignty claims returning both from the bottom-up and the top-down, to the extent that we can legitimately ask whether we are now moving 'beyond the post-sovereign state'? Constitutional pluralist literature fails to capture this in that evades material issues of democracy and political economy.