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In exploring whether nationalism, which has played a negative role in the transition of Eastern Europe to democratic governments, is counterbalanced by long-term benefits, the author critically examines the concept he calls "no-personality-without-nationality." In Eastern Europe the alleged constitutive role of ethnonationality awards special treatment & requires unconditional allegiance of groups whose personhood is tied to the nation. The author defines identity, pointing out different meanings for the term, & describes identification with one's nationality. This analysis is applied to the "no-personality-without-nationality" view, concluding that the concept fails in many crucial respects. The author recommends the creation of a common political culture, which could enhance general cultural understanding & interaction across borders. 3 Figures. L. A. Hoffman

The author tackles the issue of sealed adoption records within the context of Oregon Ballot Measure 58, passed by Oregon voters in November 1998. This legislation requires the Oregon state registrar to give previously sealed adoption records to any adopted person who has reached age 21. The author details the background of Measure 58 and the lawsuit that challenged it (Does 1‐7 v. State of Oregon). Next, he discusses the interests of the birth mothers, namely, their expectations of confidentiality and privacy, which are provided for in various Oregon statutes. Then, the arguments of the birth mothers are described. Finally, the author concludes that Oregon Measure 58 is a violation of birth mothers' rights and is extremely unfair.

Metadata only record ; This is a critical review of global debates over water, water scarcity, and water resource management. The author demonstrates that global perspectives on water resources management tend to be based on vague political, economic and theoretical positions. As an example of the lack of an empirically based approach, the author uses the debate on the water "crisis". This debate often neglects the unequal access and control over the resources. By seeing water as just an economic asset one ignores the cultural and social components which also determine access. To conclude, the author defends the need to have a diverse inclusive debate that reflects the multifaceted aspects of people's lives and their water needs.

The author of this article, a prisoners' rights advocate for over 30 years, looks at global patterns of incarceration (with a particular emphasis on CA & Canada), the prisoners' rights movement itself, & the attempts of educators & activists to transform the prison system. The author particularly focuses on women -- both prisoners & activists -- whose actions, writings, & music have been used as tools to denounce incarceration. The author then argues that grassroots coalitions are the only viable route toward the development of a sustainable antiprison social movement. Feminist activists, mobilized at the grassroots level, must call the media's attention to the difficulties that a record number of incarcerated women confront on a daily basis. 1 Reference. K. A. Larsen

The author of this article discusses a few questions connected with interpreting the legacy of Max Weber. First, the article poses the question of when did Weber become a sociologist? Second, it considers the way that Weber defines the relationship between economics and sociology. The questions are discussed in the historical context of development of sociology in Germany. The author suggests that Weber's relationship with the economics is a dual one. Weber develops a sociological programme while retaining institutional affiliation with economics. The author argues that Weber's heritage can be best understood if thought of as an interdisciplinary approach in the social sciences, now known as a rational choice approach. This issue of the journal presents the second part of the article.

The author of this article discusses a few questions connected with interpreting the legacy of Max Weber. First, the article poses the question of when did Weber become a sociologist? Second, it considers the way that Weber defines the relationship between economics and sociology. The questions are discussed in the historical context of development of sociology in Germany. The author suggests that Weber's relationship with the economics is a dual one. Weber develops a sociological programme while retaining institutional affiliation with economics. The author argues that Weber's heritage can be best understood if thought of as an interdisciplinary approach in the social sciences, now known as a rational choice approach. This issue of the journal presents the first part of the article.

Often, conclusions about what students have learned in school are based on their performance on standardized or informal tests. For several reasons, these tests may not accurately reflect deaf students' learning. The author discusses the limitations of tests and other "products" administered to students during or after reading that are interpreted as reflecting comprehension of what is read. The author also reviews documented differences in test-taking abilities of deaf and hearing students, and describes specific compensatory test-taking strategies used by deaf readers. A rationale is provided for including a formal test-taking skills component in the curriculum for deaf students. Finally, the author discusses portfolio assessment and contemporary societal forces working against academic testing.

The author analyzes the interpretations by Jean-Marie Guehenno & Helmut Willke of the end of the national state in the context of contemporary debates on globalization. The author thinks that both authors have come up with similar insights, particularly those regarding assessment of the functional role that may be analytically attributed to the national state in the present & the future. Although their observations coincide with the debates on globalization going on in political economy & political science, their conclusions are not in line with the special structure of political activity. Unlike their state/theoretical "Hegelianism" (Guehenno) & system theory functional definition of government activity (Willke), the author looks into the contemporary operation of the state from the legal/philosophical perspective. Adapted from the source document.

THIS ARTICLE IS DIVIDED INTO FOUR SECTIONS. IN THE FIRST THREE SECTIONS, THE AUTHOR DISCUSSES THE ORIGINS, ELEMENTS, AND IMPACT OF EACH PHASE THROUGH WHICH SPAIN'S GENERAL WORKERS' UNION (UGT) AND THE WORKERS' COMMISSIONS (CCOO) PASSED IN THEIR SEARCH FOR SOLUTIONS TO THE COUNTRY'S UNEMPLOYMENT CRISIS. WITH RESPECT TO THE FIRST TWO PHASES, THE AUTHOR EXPLAINS WHY THE UNIONS ABANDONED THEIR EXISTING STRATEGIES IN FAVOR OF AN ALTERNATIVE. IN THE FOURTH SECTION, THE AUTHOR SYNTHESIZES AN ARGUMENT LINKING THE UNIONS' STRATEGIC CHOICES TO THE INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT, THE INSIDER-OUTSIDER DILEMMA, AND POLITICAL LEARNING. THE ARTICLE CONCLUDES WITH THE OBSERVATION THAT THE ENTRENCHED NATURE OF SPAIN'S UNEMPLOYMENT PROBLEM IS LIKELY TO PROMPT FURTHER SHIFTS IN THE STRATEGIC ORIENTATION OF SPANISH UNIONS.

The author seeks to investigate particular elements of Japanese culture that may have contributed to the country's success in reducing crime rates since World War II. In particular, he argues that the fundamental importance of apology and pardon helps to explain this phenomenon. But despite the apparently unique role of apology and repentance in Japanese culture, the author argues that these concepts, although perhaps more readily evident in Japan, are also present to a degree in American communities. He believes that through a consideration of Japan, the United States can learn to incorporate these ideas into American criminal justice. Finally, the author points out the preliminary success of experimental programs in the United States that seek to incorporate the ideas of apology and pardon.

THIS PAPER SEEKS TO INTERROGATE THE CONCEPT OF "RADICAL CENTRISM," WHICH HAS RECENTLY ACHIEVED PROMINENCE IN BEING ADOPTED BY TONY BLAIR AS THE IDEOLOGY OF NEW LABOR. THE AUTHOR CONTENDS THAT THE CORE OF RADICAL CENTRISM IS THE DESIRE TO TRANSCEND THE CATEGORIES OF TRADITIONAL IDEOLOGICAL DISCOURSE AND DEVELOP A CONSENSUAL META-IDEOLOGY THAT COULD BE ALL THINGS TO ALL MEN AND WOMEN. IN AN ATTEMPT TO ESTABLISH WHAT SUCH A PROJECT MIGHT ENTAIL, THE AUTHOR TURNS TO THE WORK OF AGNES HELLER. THE AUTHOR FINDS, HOWEVER, THAT THE COMBINATION OF DEONTOLOGICAL PERFECTIONISM, RADICAL REFORMISM, AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF A POSTMODERN ETHICS OF RESPONSIBILITY, DEMONSTRATE THE AT LEAST POTENTIALLY ANTI-POLITICAL CHARACTER OF THE UNDERTAKING.

The author deals with one of the "classic" components of the state governed by law - the principle of judges' autonomy on the example of German legal system and its practice after the unification of 1990. Following a short outline of the evolution of the postulate of judges' autonomy, the author depicts the institutional framework of the present-day German judiciary, and then the quandaries ensurng from the unification of the legal systems of the two Germanies. Finally, the author describes Croatian problems. The Republic of Croatia, as a country in transition, and due to the specific has found itself in a similar predicament. It has responded to these challenges, but not as successfully as Germany. (SOI : PM: S. 111)

This Article will analyze the Equal Protection Clause in relation to the government's ability to classify and will discuss whether race is a prohibited classification. The author will closely critique the case of Coalition For Economic Equity v. Wilson, which challenges the constitutionality of Proposition 209 because of its political burdens on interests important to racial minorities and women. The author will argue that Proposition 209's Equal Protection standard should be illicit state action rather than political burdens. Finally, the author will critique the Wilson court's understanding of violations of the Equal Protection Clause. This understanding is rejected here because the mere repeal of existing legislation is permissible even if that repeal impacts racial minorities or women.