Like Wildfire: The Rhetoric of the Civil Rights Sit-Ins
In: Studies in Rhetoric / Communication Ser.
In: Studies in Rhetoric and Communication Ser.
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In: Studies in Rhetoric / Communication Ser.
In: Studies in Rhetoric and Communication Ser.
In: American Heritage
Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Foreword, by Tony Norman -- Introduction -- Shock and the Search for a Cause -- Bad Elements and Bad Reactions -- The Spark -- Fever Heat -- The Overlord -- Keeping the Peace -- The Order -- Burning Intolerance -- The Good Democrat -- Taking Notice -- National Furor -- The Governor -- Repudiation -- Growing Outrage -- Southern Propaganda -- Cauffiel's Explanations -- State Investigation -- Aftermath -- Afterword -- Acknowledgements -- Notes -- Bibliography -- About the Author.
What is the civil rights movement? -- A troubled past -- The long walk to school -- Montgomery bus boycott -- The lunch counter sit-ins -- Freedom riders -- The children's crusade -- The march on Washington -- Freedom summer -- Selma to Montgomery -- Changing times -- Timelines.
In: Print culture in the South
"Formed in 1960 in Raleigh, North Carolina, the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) was a high-profile civil rights collective led by young people. For Howard Zinn in 1964, SNCC members were "new abolitionists," but SNCC pursued radical initiatives and Black Power politics in addition to reform. It was committed to grassroots organizing in towns and rural communities, facilitating voter registration and direct action through "projects" embedded in Freedom Houses, especially in the South: the setting for most of SNCC's stories. Over time, it changed from a tight cadre into a disparate group of many constellations but stood out among civil rights organizations for its participatory democracy and emphasis on local people deciding the terms of their battle for social change. Organizers debated their role and grappled with SNCC's responsibility to communities, to the "walking wounded" damaged by racial terrorism, and to individuals who died pursuing racial justice. SNCC's Stories examines the organization's print and publishing culture, uncovering how fundamental self- and group narration is for the undersung heroes of social movements. The organizer may be SNCC's dramatis persona, but its writers have been overlooked. In the 1960s it was assumed established literary figures would write about civil rights, and until now, critical attention has centered on the Black Arts Movement, neglecting what SNCC's writers contributed. Sharon Monteith gathers hard-to-find literature where the freedom movement in the civil rights South is analyzed as subjective history and explored imaginatively. SNCC's print culture consists of field reports, pamphlets, newsletters, fiction, essays, poetry, and plays, which serve as intimate and illuminative sources for understanding political action. SNCC's literary history contributes to the organization's legacy"--
In: FAU Libraries' Special Collections
This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).
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In: FAU Libraries' Special Collections & Archives Department.
This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).
BASE
In: American Heritage
Front Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Foreword, by John T. Fowler II, MA -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- 1. BECOMING THE CHURCH MAN -- Mississippi of Jernagin's Birth -- Early Life and Education -- Marriage and Opportunity -- Exodusters, Separatists and Oklahoma -- Jernagin the Coming Man -- 2. CIVIL RIGHTS ACTIVIST AND WASHINGTON RESIDENT -- Moving in Washington -- Walter Henderson Brooks and Nannie Helen Burroughs -- Educating Daughters, Losing Daughters -- National Equal Rights League and National Race Congress -- Pleading the Cause in Black and White -- 3. CHAPLAIN FOR CHRIST AND THE RACE -- "Sting for Our Enemies, Honey for Our Friends" -- Chaplain for Christ -- Chaplain for the Race -- Pan-African Congress and the Bee -- 4. CRUSADER FOR JUSTICE, PEACE AND BROTHERHOOD -- Emancipation Day: A Call to Organize -- National Fraternal Council of Negro Churches -- National Negro Congress -- Racism on the Railways -- Mary Church Terrell, Justice and Local Protest -- Offering Christ on the Battlefield: South Pacific Theater -- 5. THE CHAMPION PASSES ON -- The Third One Is a Charm -- Reverend Ernest Estell, Brother and Friend -- Sons in Ministry, Youth Encouraged -- The Champion for Peace Passes Away -- Final Year of Addresses, Hope for the Future -- To a Friend, We Say, Goodnight -- William Henry Jernagin Timeline -- Notes -- Bibliography -- About the Author.
In: The Macat Library
Cover Page -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- WAYS IN TO THE TEXT -- Who Was Martin Luther King Jr.? -- What Does Why We Can't Wait Say? -- Why Does Why We Can't Wait Matter? -- SECTION 1: INFLUENCES -- Module 1: The Author and the Historical Context -- Module 2: Academic Context -- Module 3: The Problem -- Module 4: The Author's Contribution -- SECTION 2: IDEAS -- Module 5: Main Ideas -- Module 6: Secondary Ideas -- Module 7: Achievement -- Module 8: Place In The Author's Work -- SECTION 3: IMPACT -- Module 9: The First Responses -- Module 10: The Evolving Debate -- Module 11: Impact and Influence Today -- Module 12: Where Next? -- Glossary of Terms -- People Mentioned in the Text -- Works Cited
Intro -- 1. The New Abolitionists -- 2. Out of the Sit-ins -- 3. The Freedom Rides -- 4. Mississippi I: McComb -- 5. Mississippi II: Greenwood -- 6. Mississippi III: Hattiesburg -- 7. Southwest Georgia: The Outsider as Insider -- 8. Alabama: Freedom Day in Selma -- 9. The White Man in the Movement -- 10. "I Want To Know: Which Side Is the Federal Government On?" -- 11. The Revolution Beyond Race -- 12. An Independent Radicalism -- Index.
In: True Crime
Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Foreword, by James Meredith -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- 1. Origins of Oppression -- 2. Call to Arms -- 3. We Rise Up -- 4. Beat Down Again -- 5. Striking the Match of Activism -- 6. Fed Up -- 7. George MetcalfeCut -- 8. The Arrest -- 9. Dark Ride into Terror -- 10. The Parchman Ordeal -- 11. Free at Last -- 12. Reconciliation and Recognition -- Authors' Reflections -- Bibiliography -- About the Authors.
In: Civic Participation: Working for Civil Rights Ser
Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Mexican American Fight for Civil Rights -- Mexicans in the United States -- Racial Tension Erupts -- Immigration and Race Wars -- Racial Segregation -- The Roots of the Movement -- The Chicano Movement -- Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales -- La Alianza -- Cesar Chaves and Dolores Huerta -- East Los Angeles Student Walkout -- Outcomes of the Movement -- Future of the Movement -- Timeline of the Mexican American Rights Movement -- Glossary -- Index, Websites -- Back Cover
In: Journal of policy history: JPH, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 12-39
ISSN: 1528-4190
Dwarfing all debates over civil rights policy and race relations during the three decades since 1964 has been the storm over affirmative action. Critics have argued that affirmative action in practice has meant requiring racial quotas, and hence practicing "reverse discrimination" against innocent (usually white male) third parties. This has been done, critics contend, in the name of a law, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, that explicitly prohibited racial preferences. Proponents have countered that racism is so deeply rooted in American culture and institutions that mere nondiscrimination will perpetuate the injustice of the past. There is abundant evidence to support both contentions. The purpose of this essay is not to weigh the evidence and determine which side is correct. Ultimately such profound disagreements are not resolvable by logic and evidence alone, because they hinge on divergent assumptions about human nature and the purpose and limits of government. My more modest goal in this essay is to use the insights of history to understand why civil rights policy evolved in this dual fashion following the breakthrough legislation of 1964–68, and to try to assess the consequences.
Intended consequences -- Evidence -- Freedom autumn -- Cheating democracy -- Dissolution -- Duality -- The case of Willie Strain -- Creditworthy -- The end game