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In this first English language commentary on the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, Rachael Murray sets out the negotiating history of each provision along with the relevant case law, decisions, and resolutions of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, and subsequent state practice

Afrika wird nicht als ein demokratischer Kontinent wahrgenommen und demokratische Bemühungen sind in Afrika relativ jung. Dabei hat die Afrikanische Union (AU), die sich über den gesamten Kontinent erstreckt, eine umfassende Demokratiepolitik entwickelt. Im Jahr 2007 hat sie die afrikanische Demokratiecharta (African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance) angenommen, ein Dokument, das seine Vertragsstaaten zur Einhaltung demokratischer Prinzipien verpflichtet und in dieser Form auf keinem anderen Kontinent existiert. Die vorliegende Arbeit baut auf zwei Fragen auf, wovon die erste lautet: Welche Dokumente zur Demokratieförderung wurden auf dem afrikanischen Kontinent angenommen? Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage wird das Hauptaugenmerk auf die Demokratiepolitik der AU und ihre Demokratiecharta gelegt. Aber auch die Demokratiepolitik von afrikanischen Regionalorganisationen wird erläutert. Mit der Analyse der Demokratiecharta der AU soll die zweite Frage beantwortet werden: Ist die Demokratiecharta fähig, demokratische Prinzipien in Afrika durchzusetzen? Dafür wird einerseits festgestellt, welche demokratischen Prinzipien sie fördern soll und andererseits wird das achte Kapitel der Charta genauer untersucht, das Regelungen zur Bekämpfung von verfassungswidrigen Regierungswechseln (UCG) beinhaltet. Anhand dreier Fallbeispiele wird schließlich überprüft, ob diese Regelungen in der Praxis bereits Anwendung gefunden haben. Schlussfolgernd wird festgestellt, dass die Demokratiecharta zwar vorbildliche Regelungen zur Förderung von Demokratie enthält und damit ein eindeutiges Bekenntnis zu den Grundprinzipien der Demokratie zeigt, sie an vielen Stellen jedoch mangelhaft ist. Die Um- und Durchsetzung der Regelungen steht vor vielen Schwierigkeiten, allen voran fehlende Infrastruktur und ein fehlender politischer Wille einiger afrikanischer Staatsoberhäupter. ; We do not perceive Africa as a 'democratic continent and it is true that democracy in Africa is still quite young. But the African Union (AU), a regional organization with all African states as member states, has developed a broad democratic policy. At its core stands the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (Democracy Charter), which was adopted in 2007. This document commits its member states to entrench democratic principles in their national policies and it is unique, as no other organization with this size, like the EU or the OAS, has adopted a similarly binding text. This thesis tries to answer two questions, of which the first is: Which documents on promoting democracy have been adopted in Africa? To answer this question, the focus will lie on the AU-politics and its Democracy Charter, but also democratic texts from regional organizations in Africa as the ECOWAS or SADC will be mentioned. The second question is: Is the Democracy Charter able to enforce democratic principles on the African continent? This question should be answered with an analysis of the Democracy Charter. It shall identify the democratic principles the AU wants to promote and analyze the provisions it has adopted to fight so-called "Unconstitutional Changes of Government". Three cases of the recent past Rwanda, Burkina Faso and The Gambia will show whether these provisions have been enforced. The conclusion will show that the AU has adopted exemplary provisions to promote democracy in Africa, but also that it lacks in many areas, especially in enforcement mechanisms. A particular challenge is the enforcement of rules, as the AU does not have the necessary infrastructure, and the lacking political will to strengthen democracy in their countries exhibited by some presidents. ; Helene Feldner ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2018 ; (VLID)2705338

This article is based on a plenary held during the Child & Youth Care in Action VI Conference: Moving Through Trails and Trials Toward Community Wellness, held in Victoria, British Columbia in April 2019. It explores how we can re-imagine child and youth care practice with African Canadian youth. This emerging paradigm aligns with child and youth care politicized praxis as well as trauma-informed and strengths-based approaches in the field's literature. We highlight the importance of mobilizing critical and transformative theoretical frameworks along with an Africentric worldview to substantially support youth of African descent with a strengths-based approach. Moreover, the protective role of Black-affirming spaces is developed and articulated.

The social role of youth is an issue that, in the last twenty years, has become a key point of the political agenda of many African nations. In South Africa, the consequences of segregationist politics, market economy, and migrations, have profoundly shaped the social and cultural role of youth, both in urban and rural contexts. Moreover, the end of apartheid has opened a new period of wide transformation. Based on my ethnographic research in kwaMashabane, a remote South African rural area, this paper analyses how the social role of male youth is shaped by national state policy and by local dynamics. Moreover, I will focus on the relationship between models of adulthood, and the strategies that youth adopt to cope with conflicts and continuities. This analysis will show how post-apartheid freedom and the constraints of the local social structure are negotiated, and how society is coping with the complex relationships between cultural reproduction and social change.

South Africa continues to be marked by high youth unemployment. This paper investigates youth labor market perspectives in northern South Africa in the light of data from the Livelihoods, Religion and Youth Survey. In addition to standard explanatory variabless of labor market outcomes, it explores whether the 'soft' factors of social capital and religion might contribute to youth's labor market success. Methodologically, the study draws on descriptive statistics and the estimation of linear probability models. The results indicate that religious social capital goes along with improved labor market success, while there is no indication in the data that (non-religious) social capital or religiosity are positively correlated with labor market performance among the youth in the sample. The social capital created in religious communities seems to contribute to youth labor market success. Further research should investigate how these structures can serve as models for the improvement of government interventions aiming at improving youth labor market outcomes. Moreover, the results are in line with the findings of previous research on spatial mismatches in the labor market and highlight the need for job creation, particularly in rural areas.

Disconnections -- Mobilisation -- Revolution -- Transition -- Elections -- New government, new constitution -- Women's rights

This article is based on a plenary held during the Child & Youth Care in Action VI Conference: Moving Through Trails and Trials Toward Community Wellness, held in Victoria, British Columbia in April 2019. It explores how we can re-imagine child and youth care practice with African Canadian youth. This emerging paradigm aligns with child and youth care politicized praxis as well as trauma-informed and strengths-based approaches in the field's literature. We highlight the importance of mobilizing critical and transformative theoretical frameworks along with an Africentric worldview to substantially support youth of African descent with a strengths-based approach. Moreover, the protective role of Black-affirming spaces is developed and articulated. Keywords: child and youth care (CYC), youth work, Black-affirming space, African Canadian, youth ; Daniel, B. J. & Jean-Pierre, J. (2020). Re-imagining child and youth care practice with African Canadian youth. International Journal of Child, Youth and Family Studies, 11(2), 25–39 https://doi.org/10.18357/ijcyfs112202019517

The Freedom Charter is supposed to be a guiding document on policy directives for the post-apartheid African National Congress (ANC) government. However, there is strong corroboration driving a lack of academic attention to this well-deserved scholarly subject. In simple terms, scholars do not pay much attention to linking the ANC to this important historical document. Against this background, we argue that the contemporary ANC is encountering several challenges with respect to the implementation of the tenets of the Freedom Charter. The adoption and utility of the "Promise Theory," in the context of this article, is informed fundamentally by the need to theoretically frame the analysis within a relevant historical theoretical lens. This is done in order to best shape the broader analysis and scholarly arguments advanced in this article. This showcases all that has to do with the Freedom Charter and the various challenges facing the ANC in implementing the document. Methodologically, this article is informed by a complete document review and thematic content analysis.