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Based on a theory of affectivity and subjectivity, this article analyzes differ- ent affective sensitivities behind authoritarian styles of politics. Following the late work of Michel Foucault, I formulate a concept of political subjec- tivity that describes the emergence of (new) forms of political articulation as a result of an interplay of individual affective sensitivities and media- technical structures of public communication. To illustrate the theoretical points, the article starts from a brief outline of affective subjectivation in the context of the discourse ethics of (German) Enlightenment. Then I will discuss the emergence of political subjectivities in the context of the elec- tion of Donald Trump as the 45th US President in 2016. As I will argue, the current rise of right-wing populism and the Alt-Right movement shows a political impulse aimed at disturbing and destroying the established politi- cal apparatus. This can be theorized as a form of authoritarian mobilization based on the activation of a cynical and destructive authoritarian sensitiv- ity. While this sensitivity must be distinguished from a civic and indignant form of authoritarian sensitivity, both forms resonated in a symbiotic af- fective interplay that emerged out of a complex strategy of media guerilla around the election of Donald Trump.

Popular music research has explored digital technologies' potential for democratizing music consumption, distribution, and produc-tion. This article, however, focuses on the anti-democratic implica-tions of digitalization for popular music by exploring discussions of music in 1,173 posts in 6 Alt-Right forums, from 2010–2018. It demonstrates that, first, owing to algorithmic architecture, inter-pretations of musical politics are mutually reinforcing in these spaces. Second, a large degree of musical "omnivorousness" in these forums is both a feature of contemporary far-right strategy and a consequence of digitalization. Third, by articulating "reac-tionary democratic" principles through music criticism, these move-ments more easily evade regulation.

Background: This article examines how the rhetorical style of the "alt-right" builds a political audience through a study of the Rebel, a Canadian YouTube news channel. Analysis: This study analyzes the rhetoric of two hosts on the Rebel, Lauren Southern and Gavin McInnes, and finds their style marked by the use of the vernacular slang associated with subcultural communities of the alt-right. Conclusion and implications: The unique rhetorical style on display points to micro-celebrity culture and techniques as a key to the proliferation of the alt-right. Contexte : En étudiant la chaîne canadienne the Rebel, cet article examine comment la rhétorique de la « droite alternative » construit une audience politique. Analyse : Nous analysons la rhétorique de deux hôtes, Lauren Southern et Gavin McInnes, et trouve que leur style est marquée par l'utilisation de l'argot vernaculaire associé aux communautés du « alt-right ». Conclusions et implications : Leur style exposé comment la culture et les techniques des micro-célébrités influence la prolifération de l'alt-right.

This essay is written in two parts: "The Weaponization of Free Speech," describes a series of events on a university campus. The narrative clarifies the nature of current right wing attacks on personnel and programs in women, gender, and sexuality studies, and in race and ethnic studies. "An Annotated Bibliography on Academic Freedom" collects and describes materials that can assist campus communities in building cultures of resistance and resilience in the face of these attacks.

Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Part 1. Hate -- 1. The politics of hate -- 2. Defining hate -- 3. Slow hate and free speech -- Part 2. Precarity -- 4. World or ontological precarity -- 5. Terror or existential precarity -- 6. Crash or economic precarity -- 7. Privilege or social precarity -- 8. Truth or epistemological precarity Coda -- Notes -- References -- Index

This article examines the rise of the alt-right and Donald Trump's successful campaign for president of the United States in the context of three overlapping contradictions: that of subversion in postmodern culture and politics, that between the democratic and commercial logics of the media, and that of the failure of the Left in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. The article looks at the rise of "Trumpism" and the new brand of white nationalist and misogynistic culture of the so-called alt-right in its historical context to show how it is consistent with but also distinguished from previous right-wing ideologies. More generally, the three contradictions presented here are proposed as explanations for understanding the mainstreaming of the alt-right in contemporary politics and culture.

On November 8th, 2016, Republican nominee Donald Trump was elected President of the United States of America. On November 9th, 2016, Twitter was flooded with messages hashtagged #TrumpsAmerica which narrated various ways that marginalized groups were being attacked, verbally or physically, by self-proclaimed Trump supporters whose inappropriate actions had been legitimized by Trump's election into office. Many Americans were in shock upon receiving the news of the new President Elect. Jon Ronson, journalist and author of The Elephant in the Room: A Journey into the Trump Campaign and the Alt-Right, stated in the closing remarks of his book that "the alt-right's small gains in popularity will not be enough to win Trump the election […] but if some disaster unfolds […] and Trump gets elected […] that is terrifying" (2016: 793). Ronson's book was published before the election had concluded, and his closing remarks haunt many Americans who are now just that—terrified. Still others ponder at how the country transitioned from the progressive era of the Obama administration to the election of a man who helped inspire the 2016 word of the year, "post-truth". What many believed was a joke in the Republican primaries has suddenly evolved into a Presidency that is all too real. Many Americans believed Trump appeared out of nowhere, ran his mouth carelessly during his campaign, and was elected by the racist, xenophobic, anti-Semitic, and homophobic population of America, more specifically known as the Alternative Right Movement. Matthew Lyons, author of "Ctrl, Alt, Delete: The Origins and Ideology of the Alternative Right", defines the Alt-Right movement as "a loosely organized far-right movement that shares a contempt for both liberal multiculturalism and mainstream conservatism [which] combines White nationalism, misogyny, anti-Semitism, and authoritarianism in various forms and in political styles ranging from intellectual argument to violent invective" (2017: 2). He continues to note the Alt-Right maintains, "a belief that some people are inherently superior to others; a strong internet presence and embrace of specific elements of online culture; and a self-presentation as being new, hip, and irreverent" (Lyons 2017: 2). However, this alt-right rhetoric which Trump stands for has always been a counter-narrative throughout American political history, quietly lingering in the shadows until the moment it could finally reveal itself. My paper will be focusing specifically on this counter-narrative that has pervaded throughout American political history and how the alt-right has evolved and harnessed this rhetorical narrative to create an environment that has lent itself to the election of a man such as Donald Trump. By first establishing the necessity of using a rhetorical lens with which to evaluate the 2016 American Presidential election, I will then trace the rhetorical genealogy in order to show the gradual ascension of alt-right rhetoric through American political history, concluding with the election of Trump.

This commentary responds to Matthew Valasik and Shannon E. Reid's article "The Alt-Right Movement and US National Security" published in the Autumn 2021 issue of Parameters (vol. 51, no. 3).

This paper considers aspects of the rise of neo-fascist political sentiment across Europe. It suggests that an appropriate political response to those developments must involve a reconsideration of the politics of sympathy which is seen as essential in the formation of solidarity.

The alt-right White Nationalist movement, which emerged in response to the election of America's first Black president, adopted Twitter from the outset. Tracing its evolution over eight years in retweets, our study suggests that the movement was relatively small and factionalized until 2015—but its subgroups closed ranks following Donald Trump's candidacy and became a blowhorn for his campaign. Integrating social network theory with the emerging view of race and politics as dynamic processes, our study advances a "technosocial" understanding of White Nationalism and its journey from the fringes to the center stage of American politics.

Recent studies have documented a shift from moderate political attitudes to more extreme attitudes at the ends of the political spectrum. This can be seen in Political Correctness (PC) on the left, and white identitarian (WI) attitudes on the 'Alt-Right' (AR). While highly covered in mainstream media, limited academic research has investigated their possible antecedents and psychological correlates. The current study investigated the prevalence and psychological predictors of these attitudes. Utilising a quota-based sample of 512 U.S. participants, we found that extreme political attitudes were associated with various personality traits, social media use, and upbringing. PC attitudes were associated with agreeableness, black-white thinking, social-media use, and perceived overprotective parenting. WI attitudes were associated with low agreeableness and openness, and high black-white thinking. Our results show that extreme left and right attitudes are separated by individual differences, and that authoritarianism can be seen on both the left and the right.