Suchergebnisse

The treatment of Arab Americans in the US following the September 11 (2001) terrorist attacks is investigated; specific attention is directed toward exploring public opinion of Arab Americans & government policies that have affected them. Although several government officials denounced the employment of racial profiling to expose suspected terrorists, it is noted that the Bush administration supported preemptive attacks against certain nations & groups. Moreover, it is contended that certain high-ranking officials have actually supported the implementation of racial profiling, the detainment of suspected terrorists, & severe reductions in immigration numbers from certain nations following the September 11 (2001) attacks. In addition, 20th-century citizenship legislation is analyzed to demonstrate how Arab Americans are not categorized as "white persons" yet were denied their own ethnic minority category. It is concluded that domestic & international racial profiling must be repudiated to challenge the further racialization of Arab Americans & other ethnic minority groups. J. W. Parker

A counter-point to prevailing assumptions about Arab culture, the 6th edition of this seminal work is a timely, lucid, and engaging guide to the values and cultures of the Arab world, based on Dr. Nydell's decades of working and living in the region, and her training as a professional linguist for the US State Department

This book provides a clear and authoritative introduction to the emerging Arab media industries in the context of globalization and its impacts, with a focus on publishing, press, broadcasting, cinema and new media. Through detailed discussions of the regulation and economics of these industries, the authors argue that the political, technological and cultural changes on the global media scene have resulted in the reorganization of the Arab media field. They provide striking examples of this through the particular effects on media policies, media technology and the content and genres developed

This article explores the political (civic participation), social (social capital), education (literacy) and economic factors (infrastructure and investment) considered have allowed the consolidation of democracy in Tunisia and a partial consolidation of the same in Egypt. To support these arguments we have used some index like the Democratic Index, Doing Business and Global Competitiveness, giving reinforcement to the ideas and factors aforementioned. The arguments that democratic consolidation in Tunisia, and the partial consolidation of Egypt, are a result of social capital, literacy, infrastructure or public participation are based mainly on similar processes initiated in different latitudes, demonstrating the validity of them. ; Este artículo explora los factores políticos (participación ciudadana), sociales (capital social), educativos (alfabetismo) y económicos (infraestructura e inversión) que se considera han permitido la consolidación de la democracia en Túnez y una parcial de la misma en Egipto. Para sustentar estas afirmaciones se han empleados índices como el Democratic Index, Doing Business o Global Competitiveness, mismos que han sido de apoyo para los factores antes mencionados. Los argumentos de que la consolidación democrática de Túnez, y la parcial de Egipto, resultan del capital social, alfabetismo, infraestructura o participación ciudadana, están basadas principalmente en procesos similares iniciados en distintas latitudes, demostrando la validez de los mismos.

Arab world never deserted from International discussions. It related to long drawn conflict in that region, such as conflict of Palestine and Israel, Iraq condition after US attack, also terrorism issues which alleged to this region. The Arab world became identical with a region which full of conflict and have no political certainty. On this condition, Arab League as institutional cooperation of countries in this region forced to have articulative roles.

Der Beitrag legt klar, wie unterschiedlich in Israel (öffentliche Meinung und politische Gruppen) die Beziehungen zu den Arabern gesehen werden, wobei auf 4 Problemkreise eingegangen wird: die Einstellung zu den arabischen Ländern insgesamt, zu den von Israel besetzten Gebieten, zu den demographischen Problemen des Landes (arabische Bevölkerungsexplosion) und zu den Möglichkeiten, eine Lösung des Nahostkonflikts herbeizuführen. (DÜI-Ott)

In this innovative study, Professor Tahar Labib seeks to understand how the 'Other' is viewed in Arab culture, and vice versa. "Imaginging The Arab Other" examines how Turks, Europeans, Christians and Iranians have been represented in the arts, opinions and cultures of the Arab world. Conversely, it also explores the intellectual representation of 'The Arab' in other cultures. It demonstrates the central role of the Catholic Church in ascribing to the Arab peoples a set of characteristics associated with the 'Other'. Labib places this survey in the context of theoretical debates, sta

Sexual desire has long played a key role in Western judgments about the value of Arab civilization. In the past, Westerners viewed the Arab world as licentious, and Western intolerance of sex led them to brand Arabs as decadent; but as Western society became more sexually open, the supposedly prudish Arabs soon became viewed as backward. Rather than focusing exclusively on how these views developed in the West, in Desiring Arabs Joseph A. Massad reveals the history of how Arabs represented their own sexual desires. To this aim, he assembles a massive and diverse compendium of Arabic writing from the nineteenth century to the present in order to chart the changes in Arab sexual attitudes and their links to Arab notions of cultural heritage and civilization. (Publisher's description)

A meeting of representatives of the member states of the Arab League was held in Cairo on April 28–29, 1965. During the session, which was boycotted by Tunisia, a resolution was adopted under which the Arab heads of state rejected any call for recognition, reconciliation, or coexistence with Israel and declared that recognition of Israel in exchange for the repatriation of the Palestinian Arabs would be a deviation from Arab unanimity on the Palestine cause and from the Charter of the Arab League. The representatives also reaffirmed Arab support for previous Arab summit resolutions on the Palestine question, including a unified Arab command, on the "Palestine Liberation Organization," and on Arab schemes for diverting the headwaters of the Jordan River. The resolution, however, did not provide for the expulsion of Tunisia from the Arab League and its exclusion from all future Arab summit meetings, demands made by Ahmed Shukairy, Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Mr. Shukairy walked out of the meeting on April 29, but he was later persuaded to return.

Because of serious dissension within Arab policy-making groups, the Arab League reportedly made attempts to straighten out the differences between Haj Amin el-Husseini, the exiled Mufti of Jerusalem, and King Abdullah of Trans jordan regarding military procedure in the proposed Palestine invasion. On January 15, 1948 Assad Dagher Bey, Chief of the press section of the Arab League, announced that regular armies of the Arab countries were planning to occupy all of Palestine as soon as the British withdrew, and he further stated that intervention by an international police force or any large body of foreign troops would be considered as an unfriendly act by the Arab states. At this same press conference it was disclosed that the Arab governments had sent notes to the United States and Great Britain informing them that the Arab League had decided to give all possible aid to the Arabs of Palestine. Up to that time, the League, while encouraging action against the establishment of a Jewish state, had taken no official recognition of the guerrilla warfare; it had been reported, however, that Fawzi el-Kawukji, commander of the Arab People's Army in Syria, was pressing for more active assistance from the members of the Arab League. Shortly thereafter, on January 23, it was announced that he had crossed the border into Palestine from Syria to carry out a reorganization of Arab forces.