Suchergebnisse

Рассматриваются причины формирования военного характера зодчества Ассирии и особенности реализации принципов построения военного ассирийского лагеря в градостроительстве государства. ; The causes of the formation of a military nature of architecture of Assyria and particular implementation of the principles of construction of military camps in urban planning of the state.

Many recent studies have dealt with the nature of the Assyrian imperial frontiers, demonstrating how diversified they have been through time and space, with cases such as Khabur and Upper Tigris regions. On the other hand, the Assyrian periphery along the Iraqi middle Euphrates – ancient region of Suḫu – is archaeologically less known. The archaeological investigations before the construction of the Haditha Dam revealed many sites datable to the Iron Age, some of which seemed to have a marked military nature. The region was therefore seen as a seat for fortresses of the Assyrian Empire. The present paper, through a preliminary analysis of the material culture of the sites, the settlement pattern using GIS and satellite images, aims to suggest a more multi-faced nature of the settlement in the region.

Many recent studies have dealt with the nature of the Assyrian imperial frontiers, demonstrating how diversified they have been through time and space, with cases such as Khabur and Upper Tigris regions. On the other hand, the Assyrian periphery along the Iraqi middle Euphrates – ancient region of Suḫu – is archaeologically less known. The archaeological investigations before the construction of the Haditha Dam revealed many sites datable to the Iron Age, some of which seemed to have a marked military nature. The region was therefore seen as a seat for fortresses of the Assyrian Empire. The present paper, through a preliminary analysis of the material culture of the sites, the settlement pattern using GIS and satellite images, aims to suggest a more multi-faced nature of the settlement in the region.

By exploring how the Assyrian and Romani genocides came to be forgotten in official history and collective memory, this paper takes a step towards redress for years of inadvertent neglect and deliberate concealment. In addressing the roles played by scholars and nations, and the effect of international law and government policy, it notes the inaccessibility of evidence, combined with a narrow application of definitions of victim groups, and a focus on written proof of perpetrator intent. Continuing persecution of survivors in the aftermath of the genocides, and government actions to erase the genocides from history, are common to both cases. The dimension of a comparative analysis between two emblematic "hidden" genocides shows that there are many similarities in the process of forgetting that occurred in their respective aftermaths. Developing an understanding of how these genocides came to be ignored and forgotten may provide a foundation for genuine acknowledgment and redress.

By exploring how the Assyrian and Romani genocides came to be forgotten in official history and collective memory, this paper takes a step towards redress for years of inadvertent neglect and deliberate concealment. In addressing the roles played by scholars and nations, and the effect of international law and government policy, it notes the inaccessibility of evidence, combined with a narrow application of definitions of victim groups, and a focus on written proof of perpetrator intent. Continuing persecution of survivors in the aftermath of the genocides, and government actions to erase the genocides from history, are common to both cases. The dimension of a comparative analysis between two emblematic "hidden" genocides shows that there are many similarities in the process of forgetting that occurred in their respective aftermaths. Developing an understanding of how these genocides came to be ignored and forgotten may provide a foundation for genuine acknowledgment and redress.

The violent and destructive image of Assyria started to emerge at the end of the XIV century B.C. The entrance of Assyria into the international stage and the subsequent initiation of an aggressive policy broke the political balance established in the diplomatic era. In the beginning of the XIII century B.C., Tukulti-Ninurta I conquered Babylon and set the wheels in motion for a new ideological program in order to purify and justify the Assyrian acts through divine sanction. ; La imagen violenta y destructiva del pueblo asirio comienza a forjarse a finales del siglo XIV a.C. La entrada de Asiria en la esfera internacional y el inicio de una política exterior agresiva rompieron con el equilibrio internacional de la era de la diplomacia. En el primer cuarto del siglo XIII a.C., Tukulti- Ninurta I conquista Babilonia y pone en marcha todo un programa de justificación ideológica de la nueva imagen bélica asiria a través de la sanción divina.

Abstract: In 672 B.C. Esarhaddon made the citizens of Assyria swear a loyalty oath to his chosen heir, Ashurbanipal, in the Nabû Temple of Kalḫu. This is known through three letters belonging to the royal archives of Nineveh. This oath and its related stipulations were written in unusually big tablets and left on display in the Throne Room of the Temple. However, the identity of those pledging their loyalty to Ashurbanipal in the tablets that preserve the relevant lines (city-lords from the Eastern periphery of the empire) is at odds with the letters' information. The identical oath-tablet recently excavated in a temple at Tell Ta'yinat (South-West Turkey), sworn by the provincial governor and "apparat" of Kullania, forces a reassessment of the reasons behind the display of the tablets seemingly intended for the Eastern chieftains. The religious nature of Esarhaddon's Succession Treaty by reason of the visual, textual and findspot aspects of the tablets, extensively analyzed by previous scholarship, should not obscure the fact that Esarhaddon may have taken advantage of those aspects, and earlier practices concerning the display of vassal-treaties, to hide his fears of treason from his intended target audience: Assyrian officials of high-rank. ; Resumen: En el 672 a.C. Esarhaddon hizo jurar lealtad a los ciudadanos de Asiria hacia su heredero escogido, Ashurbanipal, en el templo de Nabû en Kalḫu. Esto se conoce a través de tres cartas pertenecientes al archivo real de Niniveh. Este juramento y sus estipulaciones relativas fueron escritas en tabletas inusualmente grandes y expuestas en la Sala del Trono del Templo. Sin embargo, la identidad de aquellos que juraron lealtad a Ashurbanipal en las tabletas que preservan las líneas relevantes (señores de las ciudades de la periferia oriental del imperio) no concuerdan con la información de las cartas. Las tablas juramentales recientemente excavadas en el templo de Tell Ta'yinat (sudoeste de Turquía), juradas por el gobernador provincial y "apparat" de Kullania, fuerza a reevaluar las razones detrás de la exposición de las tabletas aparentemente destinadas a los jefes orientales. La naturaleza religiosa del Tratado Sucesorio de Esarhaddon a causa de los aspectos visuales, textuales y del lugar de hallazgo de las tabletas, analizadas extensamente por anteriores académicos, no debe oscurecer el hecho de que Esarhaddon pudo haberse beneficiado de estos aspectos, y de las prácticas tempranas respecto a la exposición de tratados de vasallaje, para esconder sus miedos a la traición de la audiencia a la que iba destinado el mensaje: oficiales asirios de alto rango.

Early societies and states -- Egypt -- Mesopotamia, Assyria, Babylon -- Iran -- Israel -- India -- China -- The Greeks -- Rome -- Graeco-Roman humanism -- The Kingdom of Heaven and the Church of Christ -- Specific themes : similarities and differences between cultures -- Conclusion

The relationship between tectonic environment and human activity has a long history that intimately involves the Ancient Near East and Levant. Texts from the third millennium onward attest to earthquake imagery while records of actual earthquakes cluster in two periods in the Middle and Neo-Assyrian periods. The research first examines the relationship between the tectonic environment and earthquake imagery that is found amidst Storm-god imagery. Next, close attention is paid to the textual and archaeoseismic evaluation of earthquakes recorded in Middle and Neo-Assyrian texts and the extent to which historical information from these texts can inform a reconstruction of the earthquake's effects. Within the Levant, a detailed archaeoseismic evaluation of Iron IIB sites with purported mid-eighth century seismic damage suggests better methodological controls are needed to identify seismic damage in the archaeological record. A number of interdisciplinary approaches, including post-disaster housing, earthquake eyewitness accounts, and gender and vulnerability studies are applied to Amos in order to provide a fresh perspective on identifying earthquake imagery within the book. These approaches help reconstruct the socioeconomic, political, and religious effects of the earthquake mentioned in Amos and illustrate how his oracles and prophetic validity would have been authenticated through the earthquake. These approaches also shed new light on "social justice" texts within Amos and how the aftermath of an earthquake would have underscored, anew, the gap between the rich and poor.

Preface to the Revised Edition; Preface; 1. Prehistoric Warfare; 2. Ancient Near Eastern Warfare: the Copper-Bronze Age; 3. Assyria and Persia: the Age of Iron; 4. Classical Greek Warfare; 5. The Military Revolution; 6. Alexander the Great and the Origins of Modern War; Notes; Selected Bibliography; Illustration Credits; Index.

According to the Assyrian sources, Sennacherib, King of Assyria (704–681 BCE) went on campaign to the West to quell a rebellion in 701 BCE. During his campaign he conducted a pitched battle against the forces of Egypt and Kush and won the war. However, according to the Biblical narrative the Assyrians suffered an enormous defeat by the angel of God. Furthermore, the Kushite ruler who came to the aid of the Judean forces was Tirhakah (=Taharqa), King of Kush, who ascended the throne of Egypt-and-Kush only eleven years later, in 690 BCE.How then, can we explain the mentioning of Taharqa in the biblical account? Is the information that he was present in the events of 701 BCE an anachronism or is it historically reliable? Can his role in the events be determined? Who won the war – Sennacherib, King of Assyria or Taharqa, King of Kush (and his ally, Hezekiah, King of Judah)? Did Sennacherib conduct two campaigns against the Levant, as some have suggested? The purpose of this article is to address these questions.

Te-uman (664-653 BC) or Tepti-Huban-Inšušinak I is a Neo-Elamite king of the Hubanid dynasty. His reign is known for its anti-Assyrian policy, which led to the one of the best-documented military confrontations between Assyria and Elam in the 1st millennium BC, i.e. the battle of Til-Tuba (563 BC).