Suchergebnisse

In 1962, the International Court of Justice ruled that the Preah Vihear temple lies within Cambodian territory. The status of the 4.6 km² of land surrounding the temple, however, remained unclear. When UNESCO declared the Preah Vihear temple a Cambodian World Heritage Site in July 2008, the situation was exacerbated. Several firefights between October 2008 and April/May 2011 claimed at least 34 lives. The border dispute became a rollercoaster ride along the way: Talks between Thailand and Cambodia were regularly interrupted by exchanges of fire, only to be resumed a little later. This prevented a resolution of the conflict. The essay explores how Thailand's and Cambodia's conflict behaviour can be explained from a first-image perspective. In doing so, uncovering the motives of both countries' prime ministers is crucial to understanding Bangkok's and Phnom Penh's actions in the border area. The paper argues that in low-intensity border conflicts, motivations are different from those underlying heads of government's behaviour in high-intensity border conflicts. While this complicates an agreement on the Preah Vihear question, it also means that escalation to a manifest border war is very unlikely. (JCSAA/GIGA)

Ziel dieser Studie ist, neue Vorschläge zu machen, wie man Konflikte in Afrika verhindert oder diese löst. Der Fokus ist auf Grenzkonflikte und mehr spezifisch auf den Grenzkonflikt zwischen Kamerun und Nigeria über die Bakassi-Halbinseln gerichtet. Konfliktprävention und Konfliktmanagement sind von großer Bedeutung für moderne Staaten sowie für anderen Organisationen. Es gibt verschiedene Versuche, Konflikte zu lösen oder zu verhindern, aber die meisten von ihnen, zum Beispiel in Afrika, waren nicht erfolgreich. Es wird für gewöhnlich angenommen, dass die Misserfolge durch Maßnahmen des Auslandes entstanden sind, die den afrikanischen Ländern auferlegt werden. Gemäß einigen Sozialwissenschaftlern sollten afrikanische Staaten eine größere Rolle in der Konfliktprävention in ihrem Kontinent spielen. Internationale Unterstützung, welche größtenteils aus Europa und den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika (USA) kommen, sind meistens Entwicklungshilfe, Friedenskräfte und humanitäre Hilfe. Diese Hilfen haben in vielen Fällen nicht geholfen, Konflikte in Afrika und anderswo zu lösen oder zu verhindern. Einige Kritiker meinen sogar, dass diese Hilfen Konflikte eher fördern, als sie zu verhindern. Manche von diesen Hilfen (aus dem Ausland) werden größtenteils missbraucht oder erreichen diejenigen, die sie nicht brauchen. Um einige der Mängel der Konfliktprävention und des Konfliktmanagements zu zügeln, haben einige europäische Länder wie Schweden viel darüber geforscht, wie man Konflikte in der Welt verhindert und löst. Die Idee von der Zusammenarbeit aller Konfliktakteure in Konfliktprävention und Konfliktmanagement ist sehr notwendig und wichtig. Die staatliche Ausbildung lokaler Kräfte und die Zusammenarbeit zwischen Regierungs- und Nichtregierungsorganisationen in Konfliktprävention sollen gefördert werden. Staaten sollen nationalen Koodinatoren, die soziale Rechte und Antikorruption im Auslandsgeschäft fördern, ausbilden. Es sollte auch eine Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Staaten und den internationalen Organisationen, die Wiederaufbau, Sicherheit, Staatsbürgerschaft fördern sowie Eigentumsprobleme lösen, stattfinden. An die multinationalen Gesellschaften wird stark appelliert, sich am Konfliktpräventionsprozess in ihren Tätigkeitsregionen anzuschließen. Die Analyse der Wurzeln des Konflikts und diese von der Basis zu bekämpfen, ist ein wichtigen Faktor in Konfliktprävention und Konfliktmanagement. Für das Interesse des Weltfriedens und der Sicherheit sollte Konfliktprävention und -management ein wichtiger Aspekt der Außenpolitik moderner demokratischer Staaten sein.Die Ursachen vieler Konflikte in Afrika stammed noch aus der Kolonialzeit. Die Verteilung Afrikas durch die Kolonialmächte war ein großer Fehler. Die natürlichen Grenzen wurden nicht beachtet, und neue Grenzen wurden gezogen, um den Interessen der Kolonialherren zu dienen. Das Interesse und die soziale Situation der Einheimischen wurden vernachlässigt, und nach der Unabhängigkeit wurden diese Fehler nicht korrigiert, sondern vererbt. Das wirtschaftliche Interesse der Konfliktparteien steht nach wie vor im Vordergrund. Für die Europäer sollten die Grenzen besseren Handel sichern, aber die Einheimischen wollten ihre Fischgründe und Ackerböden behalten, während die Ortsbehörden Steuern und Lizenzgebühren einnehmen mussten, für die kamerunische und nigerianische Regierung ist es die Ausbeutung von Öl und anderen im Gebiet entdeckten Ressourcen. Versuche, diese Krise auf der staatlichen Ebene und durch Regionalorganisationen wie der O.A.U. zu lösen, sind gescheitert. Der Internationale Gerichtshof (ICJ), als ein Agent der Vereinten Nationen, erhält eine bessere Chance, diesen Konflikt aufzulösen. Aber seine Resolution über diesen Konflikt muss von beiden Konfliktparteien akzeptiert werden, um eine friedliche Lösung zu erreichen. Außerdem müssen beide Parteien, um eine anhaltende Lösung des Konfliktes zu erreichen, bilaterale Zusammenarbeit mit Hilfe der internationalen Gemeinschaft führen. ; The aim is this study is to come up with new proposals as to how to solve or prevent conflicts in Africa. The focus is on border conflicts and more specifically on the Cameroon-Nigeria border conflict over the Bakassi Peninsular. Conflict prevention and Management has been of great concern to modern states as well as other organizations. This is because of the increasing number of conflicts in the world and in Africa in particular. There are many ways used to prevent and/or solve conflicts but most of them have not succeeded in their missions especially those in Africa. It is usually presumed that the failures are due to foreign measures which are imposed on the African countries. According to some social scientists, African nations should play a greater role in conflict prevention in their continent. International supports which mostly come from Europe and the US (United States) have included aid, peace keeping forces and others. These aids in many cases have not helped to solve or prevent conflict in Africa and elsewhere. Some critics even hold that these aid help to promote conflict than prevent them. Some of these aid or help from outside are mostly misused and or do not reach those who need them. In oder to curb some of the shortcomings faced in conflict prevention and management, some European countries like Sweden have made much research on how to prevent and manage conflict in the world. The idea of cooperation amongst all the actors involve in conflict prevention and management is necessary and important. The training of the local forces by states and the cooperation between governmental and non-governmental organizations in conflict prevention should be strengthened. States should create national co-coordinators who are to promote social rights and anti-corruption in foreign business. There should also be cooperation between states and international organizations covering reconstruction, security, nationality and property issues. A strong appeal is made to multinational companies to involve in conflict prevention processes in their area of operation. The analysis of the roots of conflict and to fight them from the base is an important factor in conflict prevention and management. For the interest of world peace and security, conflict prevention and management should be an important aspect of the foreign policies of modern democratic states.Like in most African countries, the Cameroon-Nigerian border Conflict over the Bakassi peninsula stemmed from the mistakes the colonial masters (British and the Germans) made when making the boundary. The local boundaries were not considered and the new boundaries were made to serve their interests. The interest and social situation of the local people were neglected and after independence, the mistakes were not corrected but inherited. As was the case with the colonial masters, economic factor of the border crisis is more felt. For the Europeans, it was to secure better trade but the local people wanted to keep their fishing grounds and farmlands, while the local authorities had to collect taxes and royalties. For the Cameroon and Nigerian government, it is the exploitation of more oil and other resources discovered in the region. Attempts to solve this crisis at state level and by regional organizations like the OA.U have failed. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) as a UN agent stands a better chance to resolve this conflict. But its resolutions on this conflict must be accepted by both conflicting parties in order to attain a peaceful solution. Also, both parties have to carry out bilateral cooperation with the help of the international community in order to achieve a lasting solution to the conflict.

Extensive in scope and drawing on newly available evidence from multinational archives, this book reconsiders Sino-Indian border issues during the middle Cold War using multiple established analytical frameworks. It demonstrates how key countries perceived and engaged with the border conflict by aiding the two main participants morally and materially. Before, during, and after the 1962 Sino-Indian border war, multinational political actors pursued their foreign policy goals (e.g., trade, security, and prestige) concerning the frontier, and often tried to destabilize spheres of influence and bolster alliances. Therefore, this contest signified a variation of the Anglo-Russian Great Game in Asia during the nineteenth century, and the theater of operations encompassed not only the border itself, but also the Himalayan kingdoms, Tibet, and Burma. A reevaluation of the border conflict between India and China is necessary given current, ongoing clashes at their still unresolved border as well as the fact that these two countries now possess enhanced technology and weapons.

Ever since becoming a member state of the European Union, Romania had to adapt its internal laws so that the citizens of other EU member states, or those of other entities for which this right is acknowledged by Law 17/2014, stateless persons residing in these states and legal persons established in accordance with the internal laws of these states can benefit from a regulatory framework in virtue of which they can acquire the right of private property over Romanian agricultural fields, under the same conditions as Romanian citizens, stateless persons based in Romania or Romanian legal persons. Outsourcing the civil circuit over the Romanian agricultural fields raises a serious question over the reaction of the society, which is still vibrant to anything that concerns the preservation of property over the ancestral land.

Abstract
The recent proliferation of cross-border conflicts in Africa has led to the establishment of multiple Ad Hoc Security Initiatives (asi s) on the continent. However, the effectiveness of these initiatives has varied considerably. As such, there is now increased academic and policy interest in the Multinational Joint Task Force (mnjtf), which has seen substantial operational success over the course of its mandate. This paper seeks to contribute to the debate on the strengths and weaknesses of the mnjtf model and the effectiveness of the Force in the Lake Chad region through an exploration of the mnjtf from an internal perspective. The authors of this paper have both worked closely with the mnjtf in recent years and the paper is based upon interviews with current and former mnjtf personnel, staff of the Lake Chad Basin Commission (which oversees the mnjtf) as well as donor and UN partners. In exploring this internal perspective, the article undertakes an in-depth examination of the mnjtf, including the relationship between the headquarters and the sectors, and assesses the impact the mnjtf has had upon the Troop Contributing Countries (tcc s). It identifies areas where the mnjtf has become a regional hub of best practice, challenges that have compromised its effectiveness, and the impact of military diplomacy on the security of the region. Finally, it concludes by drawing lessons from this experience for other conflicts requiring a comprehensive regional and international response.

This article assesses the dynamic political and military relationships among Tibet, China, and India in the late 1950s and early 1960s. By examining the three governments' calculations and security interests, the article shows that the relationships among the three are best understood from a realist perspective. The focus in the article is on the Sino-Indian dispute over the territory known as "Assam Himalaya," located on the far eastern end of the Sino-Indian border, between southeastern Tibet and northeast India. The article covers a relatively lengthy period, from 1913 to 1962, but in doing so it shows that territorial claims and the desire for secure borders were the key concern of all the countries involved—Tibet, China, India under British imperial rule, post-1947 India, and the United States.

News reporting on conflict situations mainly manipulates discursive and representational strategies in portraying people, actions and events either negatively or positively based on certain prejudiced ideologies. This article examines salient discursive strategies deployed by Nigerian and Cameroonian newspapers to represent socio-political ideologies in their reports on the Bakassi Peninsula border conflict. Data comprise 127 instances of discourse strategies drawn from two Nigerian and two Cameroonian English-medium national newspapers published between August 2006 and August 2010. By integrating insights from van Dijk's Critical Discourse Analysis, findings reveal that both countries' reports create polarity of positive in-group and negative out-group ideologies through seven discursive strategies which include slanted headlining, negative labelling, evidentiality, number game, hyperbolism, victimization and depersonalization. The strategies embody ideological prejudices of positive self- and negative other-representations which are rife in both nations' news reports on the disputed Peninsula.

Crisis communication has been an important area of investigation in international politics The examination of reactions of China's mass media to international conflict will help political scientists and China specialists understand the reliability of using the mass media to infer Peking's foreign policy The major purpose of this research is to examine two general hy potheses in the context of the reactive behavior of the mass media in China in the prewar crisis of the 1962 Sino-Indian border conflict The first hypothesis is that the more information politically interested people in two or more states have about each other, the more likely these states are to resolve their differences without violence. The second hypothesis is that the more accurately and dispassionately communication is transmitted to people of different nations, the more likely their leaders are to find ways of resolving conflicts peacefully In order to investigate these two hypotheses, the factor or factors affecting the increase of publicity and hostility reflected in China's mass media will be examined