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This study is grounded in framing theory to understand tones and frames adopted by media from various regions when covering Chinese investment in Africa. Relying on news articles collected from Factiva and Nexis Uni databases, the study focuses on four tones (positive, negative, neutral, and mixed) and five generic frames (conflict, human interest, attribution of responsibility, morality, and economic consequences). The results of this quantitative content analysis indicate that Chinese, Kenyan, South African, and Nigerian media reported on Chinese investment in Africa using a positive tone, while media in the United States and Britain adopted a negative tone. Furthermore, each generic frame was adopted with varying levels of intensity across the countries investigated in this study. The conclusion is discussed in terms of how each country's economic and political interests involved in the Chinese investments debate influence the tone and frame of the news media coverage.

Ever since China's rise as a global superpower, there have been numerous debates about its role in Africa both from an Afrocentric and Eurocentric perspective. This is while some view its presence in Africa as that of a donor because of its growing investments, others are not entirely convinced and see China's rising footprints in Africa as another colonialist state in need of looting Africa its resources. By utilizing a qualitative methodology, this paper ponders Chinese investments in Africa with the view of assessing the drivers underpinning China-Africa relations and how this has been beneficial to both parties concerned. In this vein, the study shows that China-Africa engagements are not something new, their relations dates back for decades though became more prominent from the 1950s after the Bandung Conference. Since then, China has risen to be a prominent player with regards to investments in Africa. It has further established various institutes aimed at strengthening its grip as a noticeable state in Africa's development and political landscapes. The paper concludes by outlining that China has in some way benefited Africa through its investments over the past few decades and these relations have been beneficial to both parties. However, it argues that for more prosperous relations moving forward, African leaders should utilize institutes such as the Forum on ChinaAfrica Cooperation (FOCAC) to articulate clear policies for their engagement(s) with China and to protect their small and fragile economies from cheap Chinese imports.

Despite cultural differences and political instability, Latin America is already the second main destination of China's outward foreign direct investment (OFDI), only behind Asia. Although natural resource-seeking has been the traditional motivation for Chinese firms doing business in Latin America, market-seeking is also becoming an increasingly important driver. The aim of this study is to investigate the influence of host country factors on the location decisions of Chinese multinational enterprises (MNEs) in Latin America. We analyzed a sample of 106 investments carried out by 52 Chinese MNEs in 10 Latin American countries between 2005 and 2017. Our findings indicate that cultural distance negatively influences location choice by Chinese MNEs, while political risk has no influence. Moreover, market-seeking motivations and good diplomatic relations between China and the host country also matter.

Despite cultural differences and political instability, Latin America is already the second main destination of China's outward foreign direct investment (OFDI), only behind Asia. Although natural resource-seeking has been the traditional motivation for Chinese firms doing business in Latin America, market-seeking is also becoming an increasingly important driver. The aim of this study is to investigate the influence of host country factors on the location decisions of Chinese multinational enterprises (MNEs) in Latin America. We analyzed a sample of 106 investments carried out by 52 Chinese MNEs in 10 Latin American countries between 2005 and 2017. Our findings indicate that cultural distance negatively influences location choice by Chinese MNEs, while political risk has no influence. Moreover, market-seeking motivations and good diplomatic relations between China and the host country also matter.

The current strong foothold of Chinese enterprises on the African continent concerns many Western observers. They fear that the West will lose leverage in Africa and simultaneously postpone development. Paradoxically, the advance of Chinese enterprises in Africa is not only the result of deliberate Chinese policies to gain access to resources and markets, but also the consequence of liberal African investment policies imposed by Western donors in the past. This article uses Zambia as a case study to challenge the often one-sided view of the local consequences of China's engagement with Africa, and it shows that we need to consider the type of policies that guide investment flows, in order to increase the local benefits of China's growing presence in the continent.

Kazakhstan lacks the democratic institutions that have been shown to protect foreign investors (Jensen, 2008; Li & Resnick, 2003). Nevertheless, as latecomers to globalization, China's resource-seeking state-owned enterprises (SOEs) must go, not only where resources are, but also where they are available. These are often less than ideal investment environments, such as Kazakhstan, where they are confronted by high corruption, weak rule of law, and political risk. Focusing on investments by the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), this study analyzes how Chinese foreign economic policies, such as aid and loans, assist Chinese SOEs in securing protection for their investments. They do so by making key members of the Kazakh government stakeholders in the success of the investments. In addition, the study details how Chinese government strategy has evolved from one of simply buying off key members of the Kazakh government in order to gain approval for investments to one of making institutions in the Kazakh state, such as KazMunaiGas, stakeholders in the long-term success of the investment in order to secure protection for investments in a climate of political uncertainty.

The significance of Chinese private-sector investment into Africa is already visible in the manufacturing sector in some parts of the continent. African host country governments should respond with proactive development policies and strategies to maximize benefits.

Myanmar's political transition of 2011 was followed by changes in the political and economic realms of society. The transition emboldened social activism, expressed as protests regarding the injustices suffered by people under the military regime. Many of these protests were related to large-scale extractive investments that had little regard for local communities and the environment. After the West lifted most of its sanctions, transnational capital actors who had been absent for the previous two decades returned to the country, many of them offering higher investment standards. In response to the "push" of public pressure and the "pull" of new investments, reformists in the Government of Myanmar (GoM) are now attempting to implement a stronger investment regulatory framework. The GoM's new demands on foreign investments to comply with higher investment standards are strengthened by Chinese state reformers' own nascent efforts to curtail the excesses of that country's state-owned enterprises globally. As a result, prominent SOEs are being pressured to adapt to the new operating environment, resulting in observable changes in investment behaviour. We conclude that reform efforts are challenged by limitations on reformist state actors' autonomy and capacity to regulate investments.

Abstract: The article discusses the application of two regulatory frameworks of the European Union to Chinese investments in the energy sector: merger control focused on the protection of market competition and foreign investment control based on the protection of security and public order. First, it analyzes the application of the EU-wide merger control to Chinese mergers and acquisitions with a particular focus on the role of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) as primary actors in the implementation of China's industrial policies. Second, it discusses the evolution of the EU investment control framework aimed at addressing the security risks associated with foreign direct investment (FDI) in the European energy infrastructure and the acquisition of the associated critical technologies.