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Since 2018, Swiss courts have become regular sites of criminal trials against climate activists who engage in various forms of non-violent protest to obtain effective climate action from their government and raise public awareness. Since the autumn of 2018, we have recorded approximately 30 non-violent forms of climate protest and civil disobedience across Switzerland, leading to at least 200 trials in Swiss criminal courts. In this contribution, we highlight three themes that have emerged in the trials of climate activists: First, the Federal Supreme Court has closed the door to the use of the necessity defense to justify civil disobedience in the name of the climate emergency. Second, at least some Swiss judges and courts are open to considering and applying the case law of the ECtHR. Third, the idea of civil disobedience remains deeply contested in the courts, as it is considered by the authorities to be antithetical to the Swiss model of democracy.

Blocked streets, occupied airports, and a Brandenburg Gate sprayed with paint: Civil disobedience is making a spectacular comeback.

"Along with such things as free and regular elections and an independent judiciary empowered to interpret the constitution (not necessarily written), civil disobedience used with due restraint and sound judgment helps to maintain and strengthen just institutions."—John Rawls, A Theory of Justice.

The dissertation explores the complex relationship between civil disobedience and liberal democracy. Civil disobedience is an illegal mode of political protest that raises a moral problem in liberal democracy, because there is arguably a moral duty to obey democratically enacted laws and respect the decision of your fellow citizens, even when their decisions are wrong or unjust. At the same, acts of civil disobedience can serve as a valuable tool for relieving the great injustice and the democratic deficits that can occur in liberal democracies.The dissertation examines when it is morally warranted to engage in civil disobedience in a liberal democracy. Specifically, the dissertation considers whether 1) there is a belief-relative moral right to civil disobedience in a liberal democracy 2) whether superior political knowledge can defeat majority authority 3) whether dissenters are epistemically arrogant.

In der modernen politischen Theorie wurde der zivile Ungehorsam im Rahmen eines bürgerlichen Staates und demokratischer Regime untersucht. Es wird argumentiert, ob ziviler Ungehorsam in nicht-demokratischen Regimen möglich ist. Der Schwerpunkt dieser Arbeit liegt auf der Untersuchung, wie sich der zivile Ungehorsam auf unreife oder unterentwickelte Demokratien wie Bosnien und Herzegowina (BiH) auswirkt - was ist der Auslöser, wie manifestiert er sich und was sind die Folgen? Die Dissertation untersucht die vorherrschenden theoretischen Konzeptionen des zivilen Ungehorsams und verknüpft sie mit den empirischen Realitäten in BiH. Folglich untersucht die Dissertation, ob sich der zivile Ungehorsam als wirksamer Mechanismus erwiesen hat, um Veränderungen zu fordern, demokratische Werte zu schützen und die Demokratisierung "von unten nach oben" zu fördern. Ein radikal-demokratisches Modell zum Verständnis des zivilen Ungehorsams in BiH wird angenommen, da es keine starren und einschränkenden Kriterien für das Verständnis vorgibt. Es betrachtet den zivilen Ungehorsam als ein Instrument zur Ausübung bürgerlicher und demokratischer Rechte. mit dem Ziel verschiedene demokratische Defizite anzugehen. Zur Untersuchung des zivilen Ungehorsams in BiH und ihre allgemeinen Auswirkungen wurden mehrere Fallstudien analysiert und qualitativen Forschungsmethoden verwendet. Die ausgewählten Fälle erstrecken sich von 2013 bis 2018 und zeigen eine allmähliche Entwicklung des Bürgerbewusstseins und eine proaktivere Rolle der Bürger in der Gesellschaft von BiH. Die untersuchten Fälle umfassen: die JMBG-Proteste in Sarajevo (2013), Kampf für Bildungsrechte in Konjević Polje (2013), der Kampf gegen die Segregation im Bildungswesen durch Gymnasiasten in Jajce (2016) und Justice for David (2018). Nachdem jede Fallstudie einzeln vorgestellt wurde, werden die Fälle verglichen, mit dem Ziel das zugrundeliegende Muster für das Entstehen von zivilem Ungehorsam in BiH zu kartieren. ; In modern political theory civil disobedience has been studied in framework of civic state and democratic regimes. It is argued if civil disobedience is possible in non-democratic regimes. Main focus of this thesis is examining how does civil disobedience affect non-mature or underdeveloped democracies such as Bosnia and Herzegovina- what triggers it, how does it manifest and what are the results? The thesis examines the predominant theoretical conceptions of civil disobedience and links them to the empirical realities of civil disobedience in BiH. Consequently, the thesis examines if civil disobedience has proven to be an effective mechanism of demanding change, safeguarding democratic values and stimulating democratization "bottom-up". Radical democratic model for understanding civil disobedience in BiH is adopted, since it does not impose rigid and limiting criteria for understanding civil disobedience. It views civil disobedience as a tool of exercising civic and democratic rights with goal of addressing various democratic deficits. In order to examine civil disobedience in Bosnia and Herzegovina research was conducted using qualitative research methods. Multiple case study analysis was conducted with aim of examining diverse causes of civil disobedience in Bosnia and Herzegovina and their overall effects on civil society. The selected cases stretch from 2013 to 2018 and demonstrate a gradual development of civic consciousness and more proactive role of citizens in BiH society. The cases examined include: JMBG protests in Sarajevo (2013), Struggle for educational rights in Konjević Polje (2013), Fight against segregation in education by high school students in Jajce (2016) and Justice for David (2018). After each case study is introduced individually, the cases are compared with the goal of mapping underlying pattern for emergence of civil disobedience in Bosnia and Herzegovina. ; submitted by: Mirna Hrapović ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Masterarbeit Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz 2020 21.620 ; Zusammenfassung auf Deutsch und Englisch

The theory and practice of civil disobedience has once again taken on import, given recent events. Considering widespread dissatisfaction with normal political mechanisms, even in well-established liberal democracies, civil disobedience remains hugely important, as a growing number of individuals and groups pursue political action. 'Digital disobedients', Black Lives Matter protestors, Extinction Rebellion climate change activists, Hong Kong activists resisting the PRC's authoritarian clampdown...all have practiced civil disobedience. In this Companion, an interdisciplinary group of scholars reconsiders civil disobedience from many perspectives. Whether or not civil disobedience works, and what is at stake when protestors describe their acts as civil disobedience, is systematically examined, as are the legacies and impact of Henry Thoreau, Mahatma Gandhi, and Martin Luther King.

Perhaps the most frequent criticism of communitarianism is that it is too sympathetic to community, and too hostile to individualism. It is alleged that the community and its agent, the state, are given too much power, and hence the important role of dissent is dangerously marginalized. To evaluate and respond to this criticism, this paper expounds the communitarian understanding of citizenship and addresses communitarians' critics, in part through a close reading of Charles Taylor's essay, "Atomism". Some forms of communitarianism, especially those that put an emphasis upon citizen participation, have an adequate response to the critics. Moreover, in some ways communitarianism has a better understanding of, and a more central role for, dissent and civil disobedience.

In place of the liberal account of civil disobedience as a guardian of basic rights, this article develops a deliberative approach that associates the justification and role of this form of protest with the public sphere of a democratic society. The deliberative theory takes its lead from those who pursue a broadly democratic defence of civil disobedience, but attempts to avoid some of the shortcomings that afflict such approaches. The first section of the article considers one such approach, namely the republican defence of civil disobedience proposed recently by Daniel Markovits. This theory constitutes a novel alternative to liberal accounts of civil disobedience, but is vulnerable to important objections. The second section aims to avoid these difficulties by proceeding from a deliberative, rather than a republican, conception of democracy. It introduces the central idea of the public sphere as a network of forums within which citizens engage in deliberation about issues of common concern. Civil disobedience is defended as a mechanism for publicising issues that, because of the stifling effects of prevailing orthodoxies, receive insufficient attention in the public sphere. The third section develops the deliberative theory of civil disobedience by way of defending it against three important objections. The discussion draws to a close by considering some wider implications of defending civil disobedience as a guardian of the public sphere. Adapted from the source document.

Intro -- INTRODUCTION Willing Participant -- CHAPTER ONE: Aware of Inequality -- CHAPTER TWO: Tired of Giving In -- CHAPTER THREE: A Unified Front -- CHAPTER FOUR: Keep On Keeping On -- Chronology -- GLOSSARY -- FOR MORE INFORMATION -- Bibliography -- INDEX -- About the Author

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the emergence of civil disobedience in Malaysia specifically in the era of Abdullah Badawi, and its impact upon the democratization process. The whole analysis in this paper is qualitative and derived from two types of data which is primary and secondary data. The analysis shows that civil disobedience arose due to three factors, namely the government's failure to fulfill its promise to reform, Mahathir's criticism against Abdullah Badawi's leadership, and the government failure to handle racial issues. Consequently, Barisan Nasional (The National Front) government failed to gain two-thirds majority of the parliamentary seats in the 2008 general elections and at the same time lost five states to the opposition. In 2013 general election the result remain the same which is government failed to gain two-thirds majority of the parliamentary seats. Furthermore, even though the emergence of civil disobedience failed to create a change of government, it however has been able to give birth to cyber democracy and create awareness among Malaysians to pursue the process of democratization.