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ObjectiveThis article examines the effects of civil wars on the characteristics of postconflict party systems, in terms of fractionalization, whether a dominant party emerges, and party systems stability.MethodsData were collected for 92 developing countries, 44 of which experienced a civil war from 1975 to 2009. Regression and logistic regression analyses are conducted to examine the impact of civil wars, while controlling for a number of other variables.ResultsThis article finds no relationship between civil war and fractionalization, but does find that intense, bloodier civil wars tend to produce party systems that are dominant‐party systems with less electoral volatility than transitional states that did not experience a civil war.ConclusionThese results suggest support for the argument that particularly bloody civil wars are likely to have an especially powerful freezing effect on party systems (and may not lead to fully competitive party politics).

"This comprehensive new Handbook explores the significance and nature of armed intrastate conflict and civil war in the modern world. Civil wars and intrastate conflict represent the principal form of organised violence since the end of World War II, and certainly in the contemporary era. These conflicts have a huge impact and drive major political change within the societies in which they occur, as well as on an international scale. The global importance of recent intrastate and regional conflicts in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Somalia, Nepal, Cote d'Ivoire, Syria and Libya -- amongst others -- has served to refocus academic and policy interest upon civil war. Drawing together contributions from key thinkers in the field who discuss the sources, causes, duration, nature and recurrence of civil wars, as well as their political meaning and international impact, the Handbook is organised into five key parts: Part I: Understanding and Explaining Civil Wars: Theoretical and Methodological Debates Part II: The Causes of Civil Wars Part III: The Nature and Impact of Civil Wars Part IV: International Dimensions Part V: Termination and Resolution of Civil Wars. Covering a wide range of topics including micro-level issues as well as broader debates, Routledge Handbook of Civil Wars will set a benchmark for future research in the field.This volume will be of much interest to students of civil wars and intrastate conflict, ethnic conflict, political violence, peace and conflict studies, security studies and IR in general"--

Introduction : confronting civil war -- Part I: Roads from Rome -- Inventing civil war : the Roman tradition -- Remembering civil war : Roman visions -- Part II: Early modern crossroads -- Uncivil civil wars : the seventeenth century -- Civil war in an age of revolutions : the eighteenth century -- Partt III: Paths to the present -- Civilizing civil war : the nineteenth century -- Worlds of civil war : the twentieth century -- Conclusion : civil wars of words

"Civil Wars, Scientific Study of" published on by Oxford University Press.

Surveying civil war in the world today is striking in terms of how often religious cleavages and grievances have become central to armed conflict. How are the causes and outcomes of religious civil wars different than other civil wars, if at all? Is Islam implicated for the contemporary surge in religious civil war? The first section reviews the literature and addresses the importance of religion for civil war. I then introduce a dataset and describe key trends in religious civil war in the third section, while in the fourth section I present tests of whether Muslim or Arab Muslim societies in particular are more prone to religious strife. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of the main findings.

This paper proposes that the appropriate measure for capturing the political aspects that matter for social conflict is the level of inclusiveness of the political system. I analyze, theoretically & empirically, the relationship between inclusiveness of the political system & its stability. According to the model, high inclusive systems, such as the proportional representation system, are more stable than low inclusive systems that favor political exclusion, such as the majoritarian system. Empirically, it seems that democracy is not enough to deter social conflicts. The level of inclusiveness of the political system is important in explaining the probability of civil wars. 6 Tables, 2 Appendixes, 31 References. [Copyright 2005 Elsevier B.V.]

This paper analyzes empirically the relationship between civil wars and international trade. We first show that trade destruction due to civil wars is very large and persistent and increases with the severity of the conflict. We then identify two effects that trade can have on the risk of civil conflicts: it may act as a deterrent if trade gains are put at risk during civil wars but it may also act as an insurance if international trade provides a substitute to internal trade during civil wars. We find support for the presence of these two mechanisms and conclude that trade openness may deter the most severe civil wars (those that destroy the largest amount of trade) but may increase the risk of lower scale conflicts.

This paper analyzes empirically the relationship between civil wars and international trade. We first show that trade destruction due to civil wars is very large and persistent and increases with the severity of the conflict. We then identify two effects that trade can have on the risk of civil conflicts: it may act as a deterrent if trade gains are put at risk during civil wars but it may also act as an insurance if international trade provides a substitute to internal trade during civil wars. We find support for the presence of these two mechanisms and conclude that trade openness may deter the most severe civil wars (those that destroy the largest amount of trade) but may increase the risk of lower scale conflicts.

Post-2003 civil wars are different from previous civil wars in three striking ways. First, most of them are situated in Muslim-majority countries. Second, most of the rebel groups fighting these wars espouse radical Islamist ideas and goals. Third, most of these radical groups are pursuing transnational rather than national aims. Current civil war theories can explain some of what is going on, but not everything. In this article, I argue that the transformation of information technology, especially the advent of the Web 2.0 in the early 2000s, is the big new innovation that is likely driving many of these changes. I offer a theory to explain why rebel groups, especially those in Muslim countries, have chosen to pursue a particular type of extreme ideology and goals. I then identify the six big implications this new information environment is likely to have for rebel behavior in the future. Innovations in information and communication technology are currently manifesting themselves in the rise of global Jihadi groups in the Muslim world, but we can expect them to be exploited by other groups as well.

The number of radical Islamist groups fighting in civil wars in Muslim countries has steadily grown over the last twenty years, with such groups outlasting and outperforming more moderate groups. By 2016, Salafi jihadist groups accounted for most of the militant groups in Syria and half of such groups in Somalia. In Iraq, a third of all militant groups were composed of Salafi jihadists. Many analysts argue that the rise of these groups reflects an increase in radical beliefs in Muslim societies. Under certain conditions, however, rebel leaders have strong incentives to embrace an extreme ideology even if they do not believe the ideas that underlie it. When competition is high, information is poor, and institutional constraints are weak, an extremist ideology can help rebel leaders overcome difficult collective-action, principal-agent, and commitment problems. All three of these conditions have been present in the post-2003 civil wars in the Middle East and Africa, and all help explain the emergence and growth of radical groups such as the Islamic State and al-Qaida.

When we study civil wars and conflicts we tend to conceptualise them as occurring in stages: starting from domestic political disagreements, to demonstrations and protests escalating into violence and war. How armed conflicts end is often seen as the reverse process, moving from high intensity armed interaction, to a drawing down, war weariness, negotiations and termination, followed by a transition to peace. This contribution argues that this is a faulty understanding of conflict, which obscures rather than illuminates. More attention to the processes of aggravation of conflict and the many leaps and bounds of the use of pressure and coercion is warranted. Similarly, the drawing down of conflict is not necessarily linked to a linear progression of de-escalation. Sometimes armed conflicts end at the pinnacle of violence. This article focuses on the state of the art in the field of escalation and de-escalation in the study of civil war and conflict. Moreover, it will offer an invitation to scholars to focus more on these phenomena by outlining where our present knowledge and insights fall short.

"This book investigates the ways in which the lethality of terrorist violence depends on how rebel organizations finance their rebellion. The leaders of rebel groups make calculated decisions on the intensity of terrorism killings, considering the benefits and costs of targeting non-combatants against the financing needs of their organization. The study specifically focuses on analysing the effects of different external financing options available to rebel groups and takes into account the role of local populations in making financing available. This comparative approach to external financing reveals new hypotheses that are empirically verified and differ from the expectations and findings of prior research. The book's findings are relevant to policy discussions on counter-insurgency strategies that prioritize protecting populations from human rights abuses. Existing doctrines tend to overlook the potential impact of targeted efforts to isolate insurgents from specific financing sources on the capacity to secure local populations. This book will be of interest to students of civil wars, terrorism studies, political violence and security studies."--

"This book investigates the ways in which the lethality of terrorist violence depends on how rebel organizations finance their rebellion. The leaders of rebel groups make calculated decisions on the intensity of terrorism killings, considering the benefits and costs of targeting non-combatants against the financing needs of their organization. The study specifically focuses on analysing the effects of different external financing options available to rebel groups and takes into account the role of local populations in making financing available. This comparative approach to external financing reveals new hypotheses that are empirically verified and differ from the expectations and findings of prior research. The book's findings are relevant to policy discussions on counter-insurgency strategies that prioritize protecting populations from human rights abuses. Existing doctrines tend to overlook the potential impact of targeted efforts to isolate insurgents from specific financing sources on the capacity to secure local populations. This book will be of interest to students of civil wars, terrorism studies, political violence and security studies"--

"This paper investigates the determinants of mercenary participation in civil wars during the second half of the 20th century. The authors present a new dataset on mercenary activities and use it to test hypotheses derived from a simple game-theoretic model of demand and supply in the market for force. They find that higher GDP and diamond deposits in a country increase the probability that mercenaries fight in an internal war. Military interventions also increase the risk of mercenary involvement, with the exception of UN interventions." (author's abstract)

This essay reviews the following works: Rebelocracy: Social Order in the Colombian Civil War. By Ana Arjona. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Pp. xxii + 401. $33.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781107571594. Rivalry and Revenge: The Politics of Violence during Civil War. By Laia Balcells. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Pp. ix + 285. $29.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781107548213. Resisting War: How Communities Protect Themselves. By Oliver Kaplan. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Pp. xi + 360. $34.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781316612446. Electing Peace: From Civil Conflict to Political Participation. By Aila Matanock. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Pp. vii + 320. $34.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781316638811. Mourning Remains: State Atrocity, Exhumations, and Governing the Disappeared in Peru's Postwar Andes. By Isaias Rojas-Perez. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2017. Pp. ix + 330. $29.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781503602625. Politics after Violence: Legacies of the Shining Path Conflict in Peru. Edited by Hillel David Soifer and Alberto Vergara. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2019. Pp. x + 373. $45.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9781477317310. Democracy and Displacement in Colombia's Civil War. By Abbey Steele. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2017. Pp. ix + 264. $49.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781501713736. Citizens of Memory: Affect, Representation, and Human Rights in Postdictatorship Argentina. By Silvia R. Tandeciarz. Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2017. Pp. ix + 304. $120.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9781611488456.