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The historical development of the British Welfare State embodied a number of destructive faults which are now major impediments to reform. Devotees of state provision have a dogmatic antipathy to market forces and an ideological allegiance to state welfare as an instrument of egalitarian politics. There is also an active poverty lobby and a huge vested interest in the status quo among state employees. Wholesale denationalisation of the Welfare State apparatus remains imperative.

Occasionally, light‐hearted contributions to Economic Affairs have attempted to dispel the notion that economics is all statistics and impenetrable jargon. Brain Micklethwait, an adherent of the Libertarian Alliance, turns his radical eye to the Royal Family, and argues that their involvement with government suppresses their potential earning power in the market. The denationalisation of the monarchy, he contends, would improve royal incomes and soothe anarchic consciences at the same time.

Since 1989 the concept of 'civil war' has taken on new salience in international relations. Significant inquiries into inter-ethnic violence emphasising studies of political community, identity, sovereignty, and political organisation have dominated the study of civil war in the past decade. Processes of social denationalisation of national identity have become more prevalent in everyday politics. In this book leading European scholars analyse the proposition that the world has returned to a system of neo-medievalism over a decade after the end of the Cold War. The chapters explore the idea th

In 1998 a bloody war erupted in The Horn of Africa between Ethiopia and Eritrea. During the war Ethiopia arrested and expelled 70,000 of its citizens, and stripped another 50,000-plus of their citzenship on the basis of their presumed ethnicity. Nationalism, Law and Statelessness: Grand Illusions in the Horn of Africa examines the events which led up to the war, documents the expulsions and denationalisations that took place and follows the flight of these stateless Ethiopians out of the Horn into Europe. The core issue examined is the link between sovereignty and statelessness as this plays o

The power of governments to debauch currencies for political ends has long been condemned by market economists. Monetarists have argued that the government should restrain its production of money; Professor Hayek contended in 1976 that monetary continence would succumb to political pressures and argued for national currencies to be replaced by competing private monies. Here he refines this thinking and suggests that a private 'store of value'—the standard—would be more likely to overcome the political obstruction to the wholesale denationalisation of currencies, but would be immune from use as a political tool by the state.

"In this era of globalisation, different legal systems and structures no longer operate within their own jurisdictions. Decisions, policies and political developments are having an increasingly wide-reaching impact. Nowhere is this more keenly felt than in the sphere of European Union law. This collection of essays contributes to the co-operative search for interpretative and normative grids needed in charting the contemporary legal landscape. Written by leading lawyers and legal philosophers, they examine the effects of law's denationalisation by placing European law in the context of transnational law, demonstrate how it forces us to rethink our basic legal concepts and propose an approach to transnational law beyond the dichotomy of national and international law"--

This open access book discusses how national citizenship is being transformed by economic, social and political change. It focuses on the emergence of global markets where citizenship is for sale and on how new reproduction technologies impact citizenship by descent. It also discusses the return of banishment through denationalisation of terrorist suspects, and the impact of digital technologies, such as blockchain, on the future of democratic citizenship. The book provides a wide range of views on these issues from legal scholars, political scientists, and political practitioners. It is structured as a series of four conversations in which authors respond to each other. This exchange of arguments provides unique depth to current debates about the future of citizenship

This open access book discusses how national citizenship is being transformed by economic, social and political change. It focuses on the emergence of global markets where citizenship is for sale and on how new reproduction technologies impact citizenship by descent. It also discusses the return of banishment through denationalisation of terrorist suspects, and the impact of digital technologies, such as blockchain, on the future of democratic citizenship. The book provides a wide range of views on these issues from legal scholars, political scientists, and political practitioners. It is structured as a series of four conversations in which authors respond to each other. This exchange of arguments provides unique depth to current debates about the future of citizenship.

This open access book discusses how national citizenship is being transformed by economic, social and political change. It focuses on the emergence of global markets where citizenship is for sale and on how new reproduction technologies impact citizenship by descent. It also discusses the return of banishment through denationalisation of terrorist suspects, and the impact of digital technologies, such as blockchain, on the future of democratic citizenship. The book provides a wide range of views on these issues from legal scholars, political scientists, and political practitioners. It is structured as a series of four conversations in which authors respond to each other. This exchange of arguments provides unique depth to current debates about the future of citizenship.

Résumé Cet article présente une analyse critique du modèle des « monnaies parallèles concurrentes » préconisé par Hayek dans The Denationalisation of Money et, ce faisant, il formule le concept de « marque monétaire ». Le modèle de Hayek, d'une part, sous-estime les problèmes et les coûts liés à la protection des marques monétaires privées appartenant à chaque banque émettrice et, d'autre part, ne garantit pas efficacement les droits de propriété des porteurs de billets et des déposants. Aussi, de manière spontanée ou par la voie légale, les banquiers comme les clients des banques abandonneront le schéma des monnaies parallèles concurrentes et exigeront alors un système de convertibilité au pair en une monnaie ultime. Face à ses propres contradictions, le modèle proposé par Hayek revêt une forme de constructivisme.

This article deals mainly with the evolution of the consciousness of identity of the Romanians in Bessarabia during the long period of Tsarist domination, as well as the way this identity was perceived by several authors,Russians or of other origins. Moreover, it reviews the main methods and instruments of denationalisation, from the persecution against the Romanian language and its promoters to the colonisation of the territory between the Prut and the Dniester, especially of the towns and strategic areas in the south and north, with all sorts of foreign populations, attracted here with privileges at the expense of the natives. Basically, the Romanian character of the languagespoken in Bessarabia in the 19th century is not questioned by the Tsarist officials themselves, but numerous prestigious writers explicitly recognised this situation which was obvious even to the common people.

Following the process of globalization, national law has lost its normative force as a symbol of positive legal order. The legislators' intentions have been substituted by those of the judges, allowing human rights, fundamental individual rights - in the most modern sense of the term - to produce institutional and judicial artifices to effectively safeguard "individualism", in and of globalisation against the abuse of the majority. In this sense, a denationalisation of the States has followed the creation of the global juridical dimension. The creation of new alternative spaces to national space, determined both by processes that respond to transnational power and processes that operate outside institutionalised political power, can appear physiological in global logic, but it shows the absence (or non-activation) of a set of tools with which to generate "antibodies" against external attacks brought about by new situations and the subsequent artificiality of the relationship between the two dimensions (national and supranational)

Neoclassical Realism popularised by including context into a structuralised worldview. However, far from a novelty, Global South scholars have been promoting similar Realist course corrections, reducing parsimony, and increasing explanation. This article compares Ayoob's Subaltern Realism, Escudé's Peripheral Realism, and Yan's Moral Realism, showcasing how originality is displayed via hybridisation, mimicry, and denationalisation of ideas. There are two complementary goals: first, stress similarities and differences between these strands and Neoclassical Realism and, second, challenge the ongoing project of subsuming Realism to the Global International Relations agenda through Neoclassical Realism, as it has yet failed to incorporate these Global South ideas. I argue that acknowledging that these theories can promote core–periphery dialogue and instigate progress within the canon is essential for any Global North scholar interested in a 'globalized Realism'. Finally, socioeconomic asymmetries and interdisciplinarity are central to building a Global International Relations Realism as well as recognising the persistent inequalities within International Relations knowledge production.

This paper discusses the occupation of Serbia during the First World War by Austro-Hungarian forces. The first partial occupation was short-lived as the Serbian army repelled the aggressors after the Battle of Kolubara in late 1914, but the second one lasted from fall 1915 until the end of the Great War. The Austro-Hungarian occupation zone in Serbia covered the largest share of Serbia's territory and it was organised in the shape of the Military Governorate on the pattern of Austro-Hungarian occupation of part of Poland. The invaders did not reach a clear decision as to what to do with Serbian territory in post-war period and that gave rise to considerable frictions between Austro-Hungarian and German interests in the Balkans, then between Austrian and Hungarian interests and, finally, between military and civilian authorities within Military Governorate. Throughout the occupation Serbia was exposed to ruthless economic exploitation and her population suffered much both from devastation and from large-scale repression (including deportations, internments and denationalisation) on the part of the occupation regime.

The effects of devaluation or depreciation on the trade
balance of a country are usually examined by the Marshall-Lerner [ML]
condition, which states that if the sum of the absolute values of
imports and exports demand price elasticities is greater than one,
devaluation is expected to improve the trade balance of a country. Some
Structural Adjustment Reforms were started with the help of IMF and
World Bank in 1982-83 with the objective of improving the efficiency of
the economy by increasing the role of the private sector. The reforms
included the delinking of the Rupee from US dollar in January 1982,
price deregulation of a large number of products, denationalisation of
industry, imports liberalisation and export expansion [Khan (1994)]. The
successive governments have taken a number of steps to pursue an
extensive liberalisation of the trade regime in addition to taking a
number of export measures. Exchange and payment reforms were also
implemented [Pakistan (1991-92)].