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Weber's concept of social class is an extension of Marx's concept. According to Marx, social class is the association of people who perform the same function in the organization of production. Social classes in the community are differentiated based on their different positions in the economic order, that is, differences in their position of control over the means of production. Weber, using the term social class in the sense used by Marx, added two factors, namely individual capabilities and the market situation.

The sociological place of law -- The place of the sociology of law in science -- The historical development of the sociology of law -- The ethical group conviction -- The socio-ethical equilibrium -- Changes in ethics -- Differentiation of ethics -- Power equilibrium -- Differentiation and integration of power -- Changes in power -- Legal equilibrium -- Changes in law -- Differentiation and integration of law -- The integration of law in culture -- Legal disequilibrium and legal disintegration -- The vindication of law.

AbstractThe transition to parenthood may be especially difficult because relationships need to be largely reorganized to meet demanding new challenges. For scholars interested in gender inequality, the transition to parenthood is a critical time in which gender differentiation is generated by both economic and cultural forces. Although newly married childless couples tend to share both paid and unpaid labor rather equally, when men and women become parents, their patterns become increasingly differentiated by gender. Cultural beliefs that emphasize mothers as the primary parent and fathers as secondary reinforce unequal patterns in housework and childcare. Time availability models, bargaining perspectives, and gender theories all have been used to explain these patterns. Some changes that could help ease the transition to parenthood include expanding US parental leave policies, improving available childcare, adding flexible work policies, and offering more couples‐focused intervention programs. Although much is known about the topic, more research is needed for the literature to reflect the new generation of global and diverse parents.

While 'individuality' is regarded as a cultural construct, this article argues that its trans-cultural investigation has hardly begun, both empirically and theoretically. Comparative work to date has been confined to euro-centric approaches. South Asian models of the individual, though amongst the earliest on record, have not been taken seriously as credible alternatives to European models, other than under the label of 'ethnosociology'. The present article seeks to redress the balance, by offering a sociological reconstruction of the classical concept of the individual in Jaina philosophy and of its social implications. It argues that previously opaque aspects of the dualistic conception of individuality of the Jainas can be freshly understood, and analysed, with the help of the sociological concepts of G. Simmel and N. Luhmann, which in turn are interpreted as variations of broader transcultural themes.

Eating Out, first published in 2000, is a fascinating study of the consumption of food outside the home, based on extensive original research carried out in England in the 1990s. Reflecting the explosion of interest in food, ranging from food scares to the national obsession with celebrity chefs, the practice of eating out has increased dramatically over recent years. Through surveys and intensive interviews, the authors have collected a wealth of information into people's attitudes towards, and expectations of, eating out as a form of entertainment and an expression of taste and status. Amongst other topics they examine social inequalities in access to eating out, social distinction, interactions between customers and staff, and the economic and social implications of the practice. Eating Out will be a valuable resource to academics, advanced students and practitioners in the sociology of consumption, cultural studies, social anthropology, tourism and hospitality, home economics, marketing, and the general reader

AbstractOlder people have been overlooked in recent debates over the relationship between age, class and culture despite their prevalence and the conceptual questions they raise. Seeking to bridge mainstream class analysis with debates in social gerontology, especially via a shared turn to Pierre Bourdieu's relational sociology, this paper draws on survey data from the US to examine not only the class position of older people but their internal social and cultural differentiation. I use geometric data analysis to construct a model of the class system, locate older people within it and then explore differences among older people. I then proceed to compare the cultural symbolisations of social positions among older people to those of the larger sample. The core structures of social and cultural differentiation among older people are roughly homologous with those of the broader sample, but there are also notable differences and even inversions pointing toward the specificity – and autonomy – of ageing as a principle of difference and practice.

"For our purposes we shall draw upon social psychology at many points in order to analyze and understand the behavior of man in society. From this dual approach--sociological and social psychological--we shall undertake to examine some of the more important phases of social life. Our work is separated for convenience into five major divisions. Part one deals with groups, culture, and personality. The first three chapters sketch the dominant features of group life and culture. Then follows a chapter dealing with the expanding world of social contact from primary village life to the "world society." From this we go on to discuss the individual in the group, drawing largely upon biology and social psychology. These chapters are basic to all that follows. Part two presents material on three important factors which underlie society and culture: geography, race, and population. But these do not affect man in society without reference to his culture, as we shall see. Part three discusses organized group life or societal organization and culture with particular reference to the family, education, play life, art, religion, science, and philosophy. While the emphasis in this section is upon the institutional phases of our material, the individual's role will not be neglected. Part four concerns itself with the fundamental forms of interaction or social processes, but these do not operate independently of each other nor of the culture of the particular society. The most obvious processes are co-operation and opposition, the latter divided, ordinarily, into competition and conflict. Out of these, in turn, develop other processes concerned with differentiation, accommodation, stratification, and assimilation. The final division, part five, deals with social control, which is intimately bound up with societal organization and social processes. In our present world the rate of change and the problems of controlling the use of power are fundamental to the very existence of society itself. Nowhere is the challenge to social science greater than in regard to these matters. Since this volume is necessarily limited in the matter of illustrative material, at the close of each chapter selected references to other reading are provided. At the close of each chapter there are also a number of questions and exercises, and suggestions for class reports and longer papers, designed to aid students in discussing the materials"--Book. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved).

The article explores issues of theory & method in the burgeoning literatures on globalization & institutional convergence. First, a stylized account is given of some "comparativist" approaches, mainly in international & comparative political economy & in economic sociology. The concepts of institution & institutional change are then examined under four headings: the origins & role of institutions in capitalism; institutional variety & change; the relations between national & transnational institutional orders; & the policy implications of institutional comparisons. The final section outlines an approach to institutional change based in "historical political economy.". 73 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article seeks to conceptualise a methodology for quantitative analysis of social stratification as a process of differentiation with hierarchisation. Based upon the differentiation of the entities or units of stratification such as castes, classes, etc., done by each member of a unit individually, it indicates a method to discern potentialities of concordance or discordance, or situations of closeness or conflict among the units in the system with respect to their mutual placement in the hierarchies. Lastly, the method is briefly illustrated using empirical survey data.

"I'm a regular visitor to the fitness center to my university's physical education building, which is open to people in the local community as well as people affiliated with the school. You can always find an interesting mixture of individuals there: professors, students, deans, administrative assistants, local artists, sheriffs, UPS truck drivers, insurance salespeople, restaurateurs, farmers, contractors, ministers, retirees, and so on. The locker-room conversation typically includes laments about the dismal play of local sports teams, complaints about the weather or the economy, and of course advice on every imaginable topic from the best way to strip old wallpaper to how to hit a nine-iron out of the rough. Some professors can always be counted on to grumble about lazy students, too many exams to grade, the puny size of our pay raises, and so on. To be honest, these topics bore me to tears. So I usually do more eavesdropping than talking. Every once in a while, though, someone will try to engage me in casual chitchat. Since I began writing the third edition of this book, I've had some version of this conversation a couple of times: Other person: So, David, how are your classes going? Me: Actually I'm not teaching right now. I'm on sabbatical. Other person: Sabbatical, huh? Must be nice, having a vacation, not having to work for months, and still getting paid! Me: [sounding annoyed] It's not a vacation! I work harder on sabbaticals than I do when I'm teaching. Other person: Sorry. Sorry. So what are you working on that's keeping you so busy? Me: I'm revising a book. Other person: Oh yeah? Impressive. What's it about? Me: Inequalities. I realize that such a one-word description is totally insufficient, but it's an effective way to squelch a conversation that I didn't want to have in the first place. And since I'm usually dressed in a towel or less when these exchanges take place, I want them to end as quickly as possible. Most people respond with unpersuasive expressions of interest ("Hmm, that sounds . . . um . . . nice."), sarcasm ("Fascinating! But if you don't mind, I'll wait for the movie version."), or vacant, deer-in-the-headlights stares. A couple of brave souls have plunged past this conversational dead end, though. A soybean farmer once said he didn't realize that I was a math teacher"--