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The purpose of this article is to think about voice in order to reflect on the reasons for the exclusion of women's voice in political contexts. It seeks to reinforce the connection between discourse and listening as a constructive path to social and political peace, especially from a feminist perspective that recovers voice as a central element for this construct and based on Adriana Cavarero's theoretical approach. The absence of women's voice from logocentric traditions cancels possibilities of resistance and separates voice and discourse, an issue underpinned by binary metaphysics that block plurality, singularity, and difference. From there emanate exclusionary univocentric totalitarian forms with the consequence of the emergence of violence. This voice in plurality demands a listening that is constituted as a horizon to promote the political space and the construction of peace.

AbstractThis paper argues that the low-income housing programme in China has so far failed to provide adequate housing for the poor for three main reasons: the central government's failure to define a clear mission; a lack of commitment from local governments; and an exclusionary policy towards migrants. A systematic review of low-income housing policy in China shows that the central government juggles its economic and socio-political goals thereby causing constant changes in low-income housing policy. Meanwhile, the existing public finance system, the performance evaluation system and localization in policy implementation have all resulted in a lack of commitment from local governments to low-income housing. Inadequate provision is made worse by problems with allocation. Despite encouraging changes since 2010, many factors underlying the government's failures remain unchanged, thus the fate of low-income housing remains uncertain.

The widespread and persistent underrepresentation of groups experiencing health disparities in research involving biospecimens is a barrier to scientific knowledge and advances in health equity. To ensure that all groups have the opportunity to participate in research and feel welcome and safe doing so, we must understand how research studies may be shaped to promote inclusion. In this study, we explored the decision to participate in hypothetical research scenarios among African American adults (n = 169) that varied on the basis of four attributes (form of consent, reason for research, institutional affiliation and race of the researcher). Findings indicate that participants were largely willing to contribute to biobanks but significantly preferred opportunities where they had control over the use of their biological samples through tiered or study-specific forms of consent. Broad consent procedures, although common and perhaps preferred by participants with high trust in researchers, may amount to an exclusionary practice.

This paper argues that the low-income housing programme in China has so far failed to provide adequate housing for the poor for three main reasons: the central government's failure to define a clear mission; a lack of commitment from local governments; and an exclusionary policy towards migrants. A systematic review of low-income housing policy in China shows that the central government juggles its economic and socio-political goals thereby causing constant changes in low-income housing policy. Meanwhile, the existing public finance system, the performance evaluation system and localization in policy implementation have all resulted in a lack of commitment from local governments to low-income housing. Inadequate provision is made worse by problems with allocation. Despite encouraging changes since 2010, many factors underlying the government's failures remain unchanged, thus the fate of low-income housing remains uncertain. (China Q/GIGA)

Climate change and neoliberalism are threat multipliers: they combine risks, increase instability and penalise disproportionately poor countries and poor people by virtue of their greater vulnerability disruption. This article examines the complex relationships between neoliberalism and climate change, and outlines a democratic economic strategy (DES) to address the transition from neoliberalism to a more dynamic, progressive and egalitarian system of accumulation, and the 'green' transition from unsustainable fossil fuel-dependent patterns of production to more diversified and sustainable economies. Both transitions must be pursued immediately, rather than gradually, separately or sequentially, for reasons of efficiency, consistency and legitimacy: the green transition will carry heavy costs and bring difficult political and economic challenges. Public support to address them will be forthcoming only through a shared commitment to transcend the destructive, polluting, exclusionary and income-concentrating logic of neoliberalism. DES offers a pathway to address these challenges and build sustainable and democratic economies.

The article essentially deals with the legal tangles which stood in the way of Indian immigration to New Zealand in the early years of the twentieth century. The fear of intrusion of 'Hindoo coolies' led to the introduction of exclusionary laws by New Zealand. These primarily sought to preserve the element of 'whiteness' in the colonial settlement. The politicians of the Labour Party were equally active as the rest in campaigning for preserving both the race and the empire. There were lengthy discussions in the New Zealand Parliament over the civilising mission of the 'white man'. Apprehensions arising out of the 'coolie' migration from Fiji and the other South West Pacific islands along with the transnational movement of a peripatetic Indian labour force were possibly the main reasons behind the drafting of racist legislation. The compulsory requirement of passing of an English language test practically closed the gates for Indian immigration in the first half of the twentieth century.

AbstractRecent studies have identified the revival of the idea of democracy in early nineteenth-century French thought. This article recovers one important reason behind this revival: democracy became a response to another debate that emerged during that period—the "social question." Although not well known in the English-speaking world, Louis Blanc was one of the most important socialist figures during the July Monarchy in France. Examining Blanc'sOrganization of Labor, this article shows how Blanc mobilized democracy to challenge the July Monarchy's exclusionary representative government and its reduction of the "social question" to pauperism. Blanc argued that industrial competition created a system of domination and proposed democratic reorganization of labor as a way to promote the common good. Blanc reformulated the "social question" as a democratic question, arguing that poverty and class domination can be solved not by administrative measures but through democratic participation in work and in the republic.

AbstractThe claim that Zionism is fundamentally or intrinsically morally compromised is unfortunately more commonly articulated and expressed than it deserves to be. While there are certainly good reasons to be critical of Israeli governmental policy (both now and in the past), those who question the very right of a Jewish state to exist on land approximating the current territory of Israel without extrapolating this principle to other cases are being philosophically disingenuous. While I concede that it is perfectly reasonable to object to the creation and maintenance of a Jewish state on the basis of either its exclusionary character or its problematic history, I suggest that such arguments should equally apply to virtually every other nation‐state. Thus, while anti‐Zionism is not necessarily a morally illegitimate claim, unless its claims are paired with a more radical rejection of the nation‐state tout court, it should be considered as such.

This article examines the case of institutional inertia in Japanese financial regulation, focusing on the reasons why institutions centered on informal modes of organization and interaction proved particularly 'sticky.' The Japanese case serves as a particularly tough test for theories of institutional adaptation and change because even crisis – a time when the costs of inaction tend to far exceed the benefits – failed to produce timely institutional change. The paper argues that informal, exclusionary and opaque relational ties served as a functional substitute for formal regulation and promoted cooperative government-bank relationships in an earlier period. Yet, when the informal attributes of the system began to impede the sound functioning of the financial system, the very opacity of these ties and the informational dynamics underlying them meant that the Diet and the general public were less than fully aware of the extent of dysfunction present as time went on.

Migration movements to Europe, triggered by dramatic political and social developments in North Africa and the Middle East, have contributed to a decrease in the level of security in the European Union and to the crisis of this organization. This article addresses the issue of migration in the context of the phenomenon of neo-nomadism and its effects on the policies of the member states of the European Union, as well as its institutions and agencies. The consequences of neo-nomadism are analyzed in regard to the EU's "extended borderland" on the example of the activities of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex) in the Central Mediterranean. Frontex's joint operations "Triton" and "Themis" serve as a useful frame of reference in examining this agency's "agent power" expressed in activities concerning migratory movements in the EU's "extended borderland". The hypothesis developed in this article holds that the dynamics of mobility resulting from the specific features of neo-nomadism activates the "agent power" of entities involved in mobility and border management in two forms: inclusionary, for humanitarian reasons, and exclusionary, for the sake of security. As an agency responsible for supporting the management of the EU's external borders and implementing return policy, Frontex has concentrated its agent power on securing territory, borders and population at the expense of humanitarian search-and-rescue operations. Joint operations "Triton" and "Themis" have clearly highlighted the trend towards an exclusionary approach to migrants. Post-functionalism referring to the original conceptualisation put forward by Hooghe and Marx is the theoretical frame adopted in the present study. The research method is qualitative, based on desk research includng the analysis and interpretation of primary and secondary sources.

Migration movements to Europe, triggered by dramatic political and social developments in North Africa and the Middle East, have contributed to a decrease in the level of security in the European Union and to the crisis of this organization. This article addresses the issue of migration in the context of the phenomenon of neo-nomadism and its effects on the policies of the member states of the European Union, as well as its institutions and agencies. The consequences of neo-nomadism are analyzed in regard to the EU's "extended borderland" on the example of the activities of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex) in the Central Mediterranean. Frontex's joint operations "Triton" and "Themis" serve as a useful frame of reference in examining this agency's "agent power" expressed in activities concerning migratory movements in the EU's "extended borderland". The hypothesis developed in this article holds that the dynamics of mobility resulting from the specific features of neo-nomadism activates the "agent power" of entities involved in mobility and border management in two forms: inclusionary, for humanitarian reasons, and exclusionary, for the sake of security. As an agency responsible for supporting the management of the EU's external borders and implementing return policy, Frontex has concentrated its agent power on securing territory, borders and population at the expense of humanitarian search-and-rescue operations. Joint operations "Triton" and "Themis" have clearly highlighted the trend towards an exclusionary approach to migrants. Post-functionalism referring to the original conceptualisation put forward by Hooghe and Marx is the theoretical frame adopted in the present study. The research method is qualitative, based on desk research including the analysis and interpretation of primary and secondary sources.

Migration movements to Europe, triggered by dramatic political and social developments in North Africa and the Middle East, have contributed to a decrease in the level of security in the European Union and to the crisis of this organization. This article addresses the issue of migration in the context of the phenomenon of neo-nomadism and its effects on the policies of the member states of the European Union, as well as its institutions and agencies. The consequences of neo-nomadism are analyzed in regard to the EU's "extended borderland" on the example of the activities of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex) in the Central Mediterranean. Frontex's joint operations "Triton" and "Themis" serve as a useful frame of reference in examining this agency's "agent power" expressed in activities concerning migratory movements in the EU's "extended borderland". The hypothesis developed in this article holds that the dynamics of mobility resulting from the specific features of neo-nomadism activates the "agent power" of entities involved in mobility and border management in two forms: inclusionary, for humanitarian reasons, and exclusionary, for the sake of security. As an agency responsible for supporting the management of the EU's external borders and implementing return policy, Frontex has concentrated its agent power on securing territory, borders and population at the expense of humanitarian search-and-rescue operations. Joint operations "Triton" and "Themis" have clearly highlighted the trend towards an exclusionary approach to migrants. Post-functionalism referring to the original conceptualisation put forward by Hooghe and Marx is the theoretical frame adopted in the present study. The research method is qualitative, based on desk research including the analysis and interpretation of primary and secondary sources.

According to a recent American study, sexism and racism are so widespread in architecture that there is a distaste for these topics within the branch itself. What are the reasons for this exclusionary working culture? Even in Germany, most architecture graduates since the turn of the millennium have been female--but a large number of conventions and assumptions within the discipline make it difficult for women to remain in the profession. As a result, a great deal of highly trained talent is lost. Schwarzer Rolli, Hornbrille uses an intersectional feminist perspective to examine the structural causes that push women--and anyone else who isn't a white cis man--out of the branch. How can architectural teaching and discourse as well as the industry's self-image become more diverse? Where are the experiences of a pluralistic society missing from the built environment? How can we bring about cultural change in planning and architecture? Featuring an interview with the Dutch architect Afaina de Jong.

Natural hazards don't care who you worship. However, the evacuation camps, transitional housing sites and relocation sites aimed at helping disaster survivors do. Empirically, this paper explains a puzzle in which Muslim survivors of Typhoon Sendong in the Philippines were all but absent in official post-disaster spaces of this Catholic-majority country. Based on qualitative interviews, focus groups and site visits, I identify two exclusionary mechanisms: (1) prejudices, preferences and practicalities, and (2) socio-spatial design of official post-disaster spaces. This paper argues that by studying Muslim survivors' post-disaster mobilities, we see that discrimination along the lines of religion, as it plays out in everyday gendered religious socio-spatial practices, repels survivors from accessing evacuation camps and other post-disaster spaces. This is important for two related reasons. One, these humanitarian spaces claim to be inclusive yet, in practice, deter would-be migrants on the basis of religion. Two, religiously-informed gender relations shape the politics of disaster recovery processes, which further exacerbate inequities post-disaster.

The Reform of the Gender Recognition Act: Government Consultation (2018) catalyzed a heated debate on transgender rights and trans inclusion in the United Kingdom. I start by explaining what the reforms to the U.K. system of gender recognition propose, why gender-critical feminists oppose them, and how other feminist academics have responded to their arguments. I then offer a more detailed philosophical critique of gender-critical trans-exclusionary feminist arguments. I argue that the gender-critical feminist case against trans women's access to women-only (or sex-segregated, or single-sex) spaces suffers from a number of fallacies, and introduces modes of argument that are at odds with well-established and sound uses of practical reason. I try to make sense of these problems with gender-critical feminist thought by appealing to the idea of presupposed paranoid structuralism. I also argue that gender-critical feminists' enthusiastic use of social media and allied online platforms may be implicated in generating some of these problems.