Suchergebnisse

International audience ; After five years of a conflict which had started as a peaceful uprising, before being trained in the spiral of uncontrolled violence, Syria, its people and its society now seem to be in a state of extreme fragmentation and disintegration. We refuse to follow media discourses that reduce the "Syrian conflict" to its military dimension, and forget the Syrians, reducing them to an undifferenciated group of victims. On the contrary, they demonstrate extraordinary inventiveness and imagination, both in solving the problems of everyday life and in the deployment of multiple forms of cultural expression, in telling what they live, in resisting morally the tragedy, thus opening paths to a new future. Our hypothesis is that the fragile Syrian civil society, which had begun to emerge before 2011, is developing, reinventing itself in the trial, adopting both original and varied forms shaped by necessity and constraints, but also by a renewed freedom and a deep and responsible commitment, and that in so doing, it is also the future of Syria and the Syrians that is prepared. ; Après 5 ans d'un conflit qui avait commencé comme un soulèvement pacifique avant d'entraîner le pays dans la spirale d'une violence incontrôlée, la Syrie, son peuple, sa société, apparaissent aujourd'hui dans un état de fragmentation et de délitement extrêmes. Notre parti-pris est de refuser les discours médiatiques qui tendent à réduire le « conflit syrien » à sa dimension militaire, en oubliant les Syriens, réduits à un ensemble indifférencié de victimes de la violence d'un régime criminel d'un côté, de la barbarie jihadiste de l'autre. Depuis 2011, ces derniers font preuve d'une inventivité et d'une imagination extraordinaires, tant pour résoudre les problèmes de la vie quotidienne que dans le déploiement de multiples formes d'expression culturelles, pour raconter ce qu'ils vivent, résister moralement à la tragédie, et ouvrir des voies vers un nouvel avenir. Notre hypothèse est que la fragile société civile syrienne qui avait commencé à émerger avant 2011 , se développe, s'invente et se réinvente dans l'épreuve, en adoptant des formes tant originales que variées, façonnées par la nécessité et les contraintes mais aussi par une liberté retrouvée et par un engagement profond et responsable, et que ce faisant, c'est aussi l'avenir de la Syrie et des Syriens qu'elle prépare.

This paper investigates the use of reputation in an economy where principals hire agents for two different kinds of tasks, in which the agents have differing aptitudes. Principal-agent matches are remade every period, but a principal can acquire some information on the past behavior of her current agent. I consider two different reputation mechanisms—one in which an agent's past record of defections makes no reference to the kind of task (Integrated Reputation), and another in which information about past defections is available separately for each task (Fragmented Reputation). The two kinds of reputation can be interpreted as "personal honor" and performance record (e.g. credit history) respectively.I first characterize the equilibria under the two mechanisms and make some welfare comparisons, showing that IR strictly welfare dominates FR over a significant range of parameter values. I then show that, when both mechanisms are available, integrated reputation will not be used in equilibrium by principals. Thus if the economy is in equilibrium using only the IR mechanism, and the FR mechanism becomes subsequently available, then IR will become obsolete. In the appropriate ranges of parameter values, this change reduces welfare.

IN POLAND, THE DEEP SPLIT IN SOLIDARITY WHICH HAS BEGUN TO APPEAR IN THE 1990S HAD ITS ROOTS BEGINNING AS EARLY AS 1981. THE APPEARANCE OF UNITY WHICH HAS CONCEALED GROWING DIVISIONS IS BECOMING MORE VISIBLE AS TIME GOES ON. THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES: SOLIDARITY SPLTS IN TWO; THE POST-SOLIDARITY ERA; POST-SOLIDARITY ORGANIZATIONS; THE IMPACT OF THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM; AND, WHY THE PARTIES ARE SO WEAK. POLAND'S NEW DEMOCRACY IS ABOUT TO CONFRONT MANY CONSTITUTIONAL CHOICES. AMONG THESE, TWO STAND OUT AS CRUCIAL: WHETHER TO OPT FOR PARLIMENTARY AS OPPOSED TO PRESIDENTIAL GOVERNMENT, AND WHETHER TO SELECT PROPORTUNATAL REPRESENTATION AS OPPOSED TO A SYSTEM OF PLURALITY ELECTIONS.