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Hate speech as a social phenomenon inundates the social, economic and political life of many nations of the world. Evidence from the literature points to its negative impacts on intergroup relations and national security. In recent times, incidents of hate speeches are on the increase in Nigeria. This paper examines the evolution and development of hate speech, the causal factors and the implications on intergroup relations and national security in Nigeria. The study is hinged on the social identity theory of intergroup relations. The author researched various literature on the subject matter and employed participant observation to arrive at the set conclusion. The paper posits that hate speech in Nigeria is traceable to illiteracy, poor social orientation, ethnicity, religious cleavage and activities of the political class. Hate speech encourages hatred, promotes disunity, violence, a threat to national integration and poses serious security challenges. The paper suggests among others social re-orientation of the citizens, the need for the political class and the traditional institutions to be alive to their social responsibility, promotion of ethnic and religious tolerance and enactment of strict laws prohibiting hate speech in the country.

Charting new pathways to positive intergroup relations / Linda R. Tropp and Robyn K. Mallett -- What can tolerance teach us about prejudice? Profiles of the nonprejudiced / Robert W. Livingston -- Measuring positive attitudes toward outgroups : development and validation of the Allophilia scale / Todd L. Pittinsky, Seth A. Rosenthal, and R. Matthew Montoya -- Understanding the intergroup forecasting error / Robyn K. Mallett, Dana E. Wagner, and Patrick R. Harrison -- Approaching versus avoiding intergroup contact : the role of expectancies and motivation / David A. Butz and E. Ashby Plant -- Focusing beyond the self : goal orientations in intergroup relations / Katya Migacheva, Linda R. Tropp, and Jennifer Crocker -- Cross-group friendships : how interpersonal connections encourage positive intergroup attitudes / Kristin Davies, Stephen C. Wright, and Arthur Aron -- Friendship and social interaction with outgroup members / Elizabeth Page-Gould and Rodolfo Mendoza-Denton -- Is multiculturalism bad for African Americans? Redefining inclusion through the lens of identity safety / Valerie Purdie-Vaughns and Gregory M. Walton -- Achieving forgiveness and trust in postconflict societies : the importance of self-disclosure and empathy / Hermann Swart ... [et al.] -- Promoting intergroup reconciliation in conflicts involving direct or structural violence : implications of the needs-based model / Arie Nadler and Nurit Shnabel -- Intergroup forgiveness and reparation in Chile : the role of identity and intergroup emotions / Roberto Gonzalez, Jorge Manzi, and Masi Noor -- Positive thoughts about positive approaches to intergroup relations / Samuel L. Gaertner and John F. Dovidio

Violent instances of intergroup conflict in recent memory have usually involved cultural groups, but theory and research on the psychology of intergroup relations is largely culture free. The two most prominent theories, realistic group conflict theory (RGCT) and social identity/self-categorization theory (SIT/SCT) provide fundamental insight into basic processes in intergroup relations: (1) that behavior in intergroup situations is qualitatively different than that involved in interpersonal situations (including transformations of the self and relationships with others), (2) competition over material resources is the driver for intergroup conflict, but psychological identification with a group is sufficient to produce ingroup favoritism, and (3) social comparisons between groups provide psychological fuel for intergroup conflict. Social representations of history, encompassing shared knowledge about history and its meaning distributed across different groups, can be used to derive a more culture-specific approach to understanding intergroup relations. Empirical results show that popular history is a story about politics and war, and that historical symbols are part of cultural narratives that can be used to mobilize public opinion and construct national identity. Universal processes of intergroup relations and social identity are constrained by societal belief structures, which in turn are responsive to the identity and generational processes involved in collective remembering.

This research addresses the field of intergroup relations during World War II & immediately thereafter as a case study of a noncontentious (or consensus-oriented) social movement. It examines patterns of strategic activities & strategic rationales, drawing from Lofland's (1989', 1993) research mapping the 1980s peace movement. Analyses utilize a unique data source describing programmatic activities for 353 independent organizations from a directory compiled by the American Council on Race Relations in 1949, as well as primary historical documents chronicling strategic rationales among leaders of intergroup relations. Findings indicate a pattern of strategic eclecticism, with some grouping of activities around loose strategic orientations in the areas of formal/institutional challenges, community services/ organization, & public education. Rationales emphasized efforts to link more & less contentious strategies-both across the movement field & movement phases-suggesting a complementary rather than competitive dynamic. The research elaborates on our understanding of consensus-oriented strategies & underscores the need for increased attention to the variable roles of less contentious strategies in long-term movement development beyond the boundaries of mass mobilization. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

"Coming Out, Intergroup Relations, and Attitudes Toward LGBT Rights" published on by Oxford University Press.

PurposeThe paper's aim is to introduce the interactive acculturation model (IAM) of Bourhiset al.to predict how disconcordance in acculturation orientations between host community and immigrant workers relates to the quality of intergroup work‐relations.Design/methodology/approachThe sample consisted of 141 host community (Dutch) and 41 non‐western immigrant workers of a postal service company who filled out a questionnaire. Methods of analyses include analysis of variance and multiple regression.FindingsIn line with the IAM, results showed that a higher disconcordance in preferred acculturation orientations between host community and immigrant workers related to a poorer quality of intergroup work‐relations. However, intergroup contact moderated this relationship differently for host community and immigrant workers.Research limitations/implicationsData are cross‐sectional and collected in one organization. Future studies should replicate the findings to other organizational contexts, cultural groups, and collect longitudinal data to determine causal effects.Practical implicationsOrganizations should monitor disconcordance in acculturation orientations amongst host community and immigrant workers. A multicultural culture in organizations may reduce disconcordance in acculturation orientations between host community and immigrant workers.Originality/valueThe paper helps to explain the mixed findings in cultural diversity research so far, by demonstrating that disconcordance in acculturation orientations relates negatively to intergroup work‐relations in a multicultural workplace.

Education is often seen as a means of achieving social change. Underlying this view is contact theory, which argues that increased contact between social groups will help reduce prejudicial attitudes and alleviate racial and ethnic divisions. This article tests and extends these propositions by examining the long-term impact of segregated and integrated education on political identities and attitudes. Using a pooled sample of surveys conducted on the adult population in Northern Ireland between 1998 and 2003, we address, for the first time, the question of whether or not experiencing a religiously integrated education has a significant effect on the political outlooks of Protestants and Catholics. The results suggest that attendance at a religiously integrated school - either one formally constituted as integrated or a religious school incorporating a proportion from the opposite religion - has positive long-term benefits in promoting a less sectarian stance on national identity and constitutional preferences. The results also support recent research that has shown that the impact of contact on intergroup relations may not only vary significantly in terms of the nature of the contact situation but also in terms of the societal status of the groups involved. We conclude that as the numbers experiencing integrated schooling grows, these individuals have the potential to create a new common ground in Northern Ireland politics.

Education is often seen as a means of achieving social change. Underlying this view is contact theory, which argues that increased contact between social groups will help reduce prejudicial attitudes and alleviate racial and ethnic divisions. This article tests and extends these propositions by examining the long-term impact of segregated and integrated education on political identities and attitudes. Using a pooled sample of surveys conducted on the adult population in Northern Ireland between 1998 and 2003, we address, for the first time, the question of whether or not experiencing a religiously integrated education has a significant effect on the political outlooks of Protestants and Catholics. The results suggest that attendance at a religiously integrated school - either one formally constituted as integrated or a religious school incorporating a proportion from the opposite religion - has positive long-term benefits in promoting a less sectarian stance on national identity and constitutional preferences. The results also support recent research that has shown that the impact of contact on intergroup relations may not only vary significantly in terms of the nature of the contact situation but also in terms of the societal status of the groups involved. We conclude that as the numbers experiencing integrated schooling grows, these individuals have the potential to create a new common ground in Northern Ireland politics.

Intro -- Introduction -- IN FLANDERS -- The relationship between Flanders and Brussels from 1830 to 1980. Mechanisms of power in a historical context -- Minority problems: on the progress of Netherlandic primary education in Brussels -- Migrants' children in Flemish schools in Brussels: a matter of options -- "Community" problems in Belgium: some recent developments in the Flemish-Francophone conflict -- The evolution of the diglossic system in Flanders (1850-1914) -- IN THE NETHERLANDS -- Gradual dialect loss and semantic fields -- Dialect loss in Maastricht: attitudes, functions and structures -- Determining the explanatory factors of t/d deletion in the dialect of Nijmegen -- Directness, explicitness and orientation in Turkish family interaction -- Socio-cultural predictors of minority children's first and second language proficiency -- Changes in the pronunciation of Frisian under the influence of Netherlandic -- Subject Index -- List of authors.